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종교 탐방

The Study and Classification of Religion

종교의 연구와 분류


1 Introduction

2 The descriptive study of essence and content
3 The classification of forms and phenomena
4 Bibliography


1 Introduction

The history of mankind has shown the pervasive influences of religion, and thus the study of religion, involving the attempt to understand its significance, its origins, and its myriad forms, has become increasingly important in modern times. Broadly speaking, the study of religion comprehends two aspects: assembling information and interpreting systematically the material gathered in order to elicit its meaning. The first aspect involves the psychological and historical study of religious life and must be supplemented by such auxiliary disciplines as archaeology, ethnology, philology, literary history, and other similar disciplines. The facts of religious history and insight into the development of the historical religious communities are the foundation of all else in the study of religion. Beyond the historical basis lies the task of seeing the entirety of human religious experience from a unified or systematic point of view. The student of religions attempts not only to know the variety of beliefs and practices of homo religiosus ("religious man"), but also to understand the structure, nature, and dynamics of religious experience. The student of religion attempts to discover principles that operate throughout religious life--on the analogy of a sociologist seeking the laws of human social behaviour--to find out whether there are also laws that operate in the religious sphere. Only with the attempt to discern the system and structure binding together the differentiated historical richness of religion does a true science of religion, or Religionswissenschaft, begin.

The 19th century saw the rise of the study of religion in the modern sense, in which the techniques of historical enquiry, the philological sciences, literary criticism, psychology, anthropology, sociology, and other disciplines were brought to bear on the task of estimating the history, origins, and functions of religion. Rarely, however, has there been unanimity among scholars about the nature of the subject, partly because assumptions about the revealed nature of the Christian (or other) religion or assumptions about the falsity of religion become entangled with questions concerning the historical and other facts of religion. Thus, the subject has, throughout its history, contained elements of controversy. (see also  revelation)


2 The descriptive study of essence and content




2.1.1 The essence of religion and the context of religious beliefs, practices, and institutions.

An acceptable definition of religion itself is difficult to attain. Attempts have been made to find an essential ingredient in all religions (e.g., the numinous, or spiritual, experience; the contrast between the sacred and the profane; belief in gods or in God), so that an "essence" of religion can be described. But objections have been brought against such attempts, either because the rich variety of men's religions makes it possible to find counterexamples or because the element cited as essential is in some religions peripheral. The gods play a very subsidiary role, for example, in most phases of Theravada ("Way of the Elders") Buddhism. A more promising method would seem to be that of exhibiting aspects of religion that are typical of religions, though they may not by universal. The occurrence of the rituals of worship is typical, but there are cases, however, in which such rituals are not central. Thus, one of the tasks of a student of religion is to gather together an inventory of types of religious phenomena.

The fact that there is dispute over the possibility of finding an essence of religion means that there is likewise a problem about speaking of the study of religion or of religions, for it is misleading to think of religion as something that "runs through" religions. This brings to light one of the major questions of method in the study of the subject. In practice, a religion is a particular system, or a set of systems, in which doctrines, myths, rituals, sentiments, institutions, and other similar elements are interconnected. Thus, in order to understand a given belief that occurs in such a system, it is necessary to look at its particular context--that is, other beliefs held in the system, rituals, and other aspects. Belief in the lordship of Christ in the early Christian Church, for example, has to be seen in the context of a belief in the Creator and of the sacramental life of the community. This systematic character of a religion has been referred to by the 20th-century Dutch theologian Hendrik Kraemer as "totalitarian"; but a better term would be "organic." Thus, there arises the problem of whether or not one belief or practice embedded in an organic system can properly be compared to a similar item in another organic system. To put the matter in another way, every religion has its unique properties, and attempts to make interreligious comparisons may hide these unique aspects. Most students of religion agree, however, that valid comparisons are possible, though they are difficult to make. Indeed, one can see the very uniqueness of a religion through comparison, which includes a contrast. The importance of setting religions side by side is why the study of religions is sometimes referred to as the "comparative study of religion"--though a number of scholars prefer not to use this phrase, partly because some comparative work in the past has incorporated value judgments about other religions. (see also  Christianity)

But even if an inventory of types of belief and practices can be gathered--so as to provide a typical profile of what counts as religion--the absence of a tight definition means that there will always be a number of cases about which it is difficult to decide. Thus, some ideologies, such as Soviet Marxism, Maoism, and Fascism, may have analogies to religion. Certain attempts at an essentialist definition of religion, such as that of the German-American theologian Paul Tillich (1886-1965), who defined religion in terms of man's ultimate concern, would leave the way open to count these ideologies as proper objects of the study of religion. Tillich, incidentally, calls them "quasi-religions." Though there is no consensus on this point among scholars, it is not unreasonable to hold that the frontier between traditional religions and modern ideologies represents one part of the field to be studied.


2.1.2 Neutrality and subjectivity in the study of religion.

Discussion about religion has been complicated further by the attempt of some Christian theologians, notably Karl Barth (1886-1968), to draw a distinction between the Gospel (the proclamation peculiar to Christianity) and religion. This distinction depends, to some extent, upon taking a projectionist view of religion as a human product. This tradition goes back in modern times to the seminal work of the German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-72), who proposed that God was the extension of human aspirations, and is found in the work of Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, and others. The distinction attempts to draw a line between the transcendent, as it reveals itself to men, and religion, as a human product involved in the response to revelation. The difficulty of the distinction consists chiefly in a denial that God (e.g., Yahweh or Christ) as the object of man's response is a "religious" being (i.e., God is transcendent, not "religious" in the sense of being a part of the human product), and thus the question about revelation as a religious fact needs to be answered. This account of religion, however, incorporates a theory about it, which is characteristic of a number of definitions of religion and creates a difficulty in that the field--namely, the study of religion--is being defined in terms of a theory within it. Subjectivity in the study of religion.

There are, however, doubts about how far there can be neutrality and objectivity in the study of religion. Is it possible indeed to understand a faith without holding it? If it is not possible, then cross-religious comparisons would mostly break down, for normally it is not possible to be inside more than one religion. But it is necessary to be clear about what objectivity and subjectivity in religion means. Religion can be said to be subjective in at least two senses. First, the practice of religion involves inner experiences and sentiments, such as feelings of God guiding the life of the devotee. Here religion involves subjectivity in the sense of individual experience. Religion may also be thought to be subjective because the criteria by which its truth is decided are obscure and hard to come by, so that there is no obvious "objective" test in the way in which there is for a large range of empirical claims in the physical world. As to the first sense, one of the challenges to the student of religion is the problem of evoking its inner, individual side, which is not observable in any straightforward way. In considering a religion, however, the scholar is not only concerned with individual responses but also with communal ones. In any case, very often he is confronted only with texts describing beliefs and stories, so that he needs to infer the inner sentiments that these both evoke and express. The adherent of a faith is no doubt authoritative as to his own experience, but he is not necessarily so in regard to the communal significance of the rites and institutions in which he participates. Thus, the matter of coming to understand the inner side of a religion involves a dialectic between participant observation and dialogical (interpersonal) relationship with the adherents of the other faith. Consequently, the study of religion has strong similarities to, and indeed overlaps with, anthropology. General agreement upon scholarly methods, however, does not exist, partly because different scholars have come to the study of religion from different disciplines and points of view--such as history, theology, philosophy of religion, and sociology. (see also  religious experience)

The other sense of the subjectivity of religion is properly a matter for philosophy of religion and theology (Christian and otherwise). The study of religion can roughly be divided between descriptive and historical inquiries, on the one hand, and normative inquiries, on the other. The latter primarily concern the truth of religious claims, the acceptability of religious values, and other such normative aspects; the former, only indirectly involved with the normative elements of religion, are primarily concerned with its history, structure, and similar descriptive elements. The distinction, however, is not an absolute one, for, as has been noted, descriptions of religion may sometimes incorporate theories about religion that imply something about the truth or other normative aspects of some or all religions. Conversely, theological claims may imply something about the history of a religion. The dominant sense in which one speaks nowadays of the study of religion is the descriptive sense. Neutrality in the study of religion.

The attempt to be descriptive about religious beliefs and practices, without judging them to be valuable or otherwise, is often considered to involve epoche--that is, the suspension of belief and the "bracketing" of the phenomena under investigation. The idea of epoche is borrowed from the philosophy of the German thinker Edmund Husserl (1859-1938), the father of Phenomenology, and the procedure is regarded as central to the phenomenology of religion.

In this context the term phenomenology refers first to the attempt to describe religious phenomena in a way that brings out the beliefs and attitudes of the adherents of the religion under investigation, but without either endorsing or rejecting these beliefs and attitudes. Thus, the bracketing means forgetting about one's own beliefs that might endorse or conflict with what is being investigated. Second, phenomenology of religion refers to the attempt to devise a typology of religious phenomena--to classify religious activities, beliefs, and institutions.

To some extent the emphasis on neutral description arises in modern times as a reaction against "committed" accounts of religion, which were for long the norm and still exist where religion is treated from a theological point of view. The Christian theologian, for example, may see a particular historical process as providential or as providing significance for Christian living. This is a legitimate perspective from the standpoint of faith. But the historical process itself has to be investigated in the first instance "scientifically"--that is, by considering the evidence, using the techniques of historical enquiry and other scientific methods. Conflict sometimes arises because the committed point of view is likely to begin from a more conservative stance--i.e., to accept at face value the scriptural accounts of events--whereas the "secular" historian may be more skeptical, especially of records of miraculous events. The study of religion may thus come to have a reflexive effect on religion itself, such as the manner in which modern Christian theology has been profoundly affected by the whole question of the historicity of the New Testament.

The reflexive effect of the study of religion on religion itself may in practice make it more difficult for the student of religion to adopt the detachment implied by bracketing. Scholars generally agree, however, that the pursuit of objectivity is desirable, provided this does not involve sacrificing a sense of the inner aspect of religion. Thus, the stress on the distinction between the descriptive and normative approaches is becoming more frequent among scholars of religion.

The study of religion may thus be characterized as concerned with man's religious behaviour in relation to the transcendent, to God or the gods, and whatever else is regarded as sacred or holy, and as a study that attempts to be faithful both to the outer and inner facts. Its present-day concern is predominantly descriptive and explanatory and hence embraces such various disciplines as history, sociology, anthropology, psychology, and archaeology. Traditionally, however, the study has been more oriented toward truth claims in religion--these being properly the concern of theology and philosophy of religion. Needless to say, there are different sorts of theology, related to the different religious traditions, such as Christian, Muslim, and Buddhist. But insofar as the theologian expresses and articulates a tradition, he belongs to it and thus is part of the subject matter studied by the student of religion.



No single history of the study of religion exists since the major cultural traditions (Europe, the Middle East, India, China) have been mutually independent over long periods. The primary impulse that prompts many to study religion, however, happens to be the Western one, especially because other cultural traditions utilized categories other than that denoted in the Western concept of "religion." On the whole, in the ancient world and in the Middle Ages the various approaches to religion grew out of attempts to criticize or defend particular systems and to interpret religion in harmony with changes in knowledge. The same is true of part of the modern period, but increasingly the idea of the nonnormative (descriptive-explanatory) study of religions, and at the same time the attempt to understand the genesis and function of religion, has become established. Viewed thus, the 19th century is the formative period for the modern study of religion. The ensuing accounts here of the history of the subject take it up to the modern period and then consider the various disciplines connected with religion in detail--i.e., in relation to their development since the 19th century. (see also  apologetics)


2.2.1 The Greco-Roman period. Early attempts to study religion.

One of the earliest attempts to systematize the seemingly conflicting Greek myths and thereby bring order into this rather chaotic Greek tradition was the Theogonyof the Greek poet Hesiod (flourished c. 800 BC), who rather laboriously put together the genealogies of the gods. His work remains an important source book of ancient myth. The rise of speculative philosophy among the Ionian philosophers (e.g., Thales, Heracleitus, and Anaximander) led to a more critical and, to some extent, rationalistic treatment of the gods. Thus, Thales (6th century BC) and Heracleitus (flourished c. 500 BC) considered water and fire, respectively, to be the first substance, out of which everything else is made, though Aristotle reported mysteriously in the 4th century BC that Thales believed that everything was filled with the gods. Anaximander (6th century BC) called the primary substance the infinite (apeiron). In these various schemes of religious belief, there is a unitary something that transcends the many clashing forces in the world, transcending even the gods. Heracleitus refers to the controlling principle as logos, or reason, though the philosopher, poet, and religious reformer Xenophanes (6th-5th centuries BC) directly assailed the traditional mythology as immoral, out of his concern to express a monotheistic religion. This theme of criticism of the myths was taken over and elaborated in the 4th century BC by the philosopher Plato. More conservatively, the poet Theagenes (6th century BC) allegorized the gods, treating them as standing for natural and psychological forces. To some extent, this line was pursued in the works of the Greek tragedians and by the philosophers Parmenides and Empedocles (5th century BC). Criticism of the ancient Greek tradition was reinforced by the reports of travellers as Greek culture penetrated widely into various other cultures. The Greek historian Herodotus (5th century BC) attempted to solve the problem of the plurality of cults by identifying foreign deities with Greek deities (e.g., those of the Egyptian Amon with Zeus). This kind of syncretism was widely employed in the merging of Greek and Roman culture in the Roman Empire (e.g., Zeus as the Roman god Jupiter). (see also  Greek religion)

The plurality of cults and gods also induced skepticism, as with the Sophist Protagoras (c. 481-411 BC), who was driven from Athens because of his impiety in questioning the existence of the gods. Prodicus of Ceos (5th century BC) gave a rationalistic explanation of the origin of deities that foreshadowed Euhemerism (see below Later attempts to study religion), and another Sophist, Critias (5th century BC), considered that religion was invented to frighten men into adhering to morality and justice. Plato was not averse to providing new myths to perform this alleged function--as is seen in his conception of the "noble lie" (i.e., the invention of myths to promote morality and order) in The Republic. He was strongly critical, however, of the older poets' (e.g., Homer's) accounts of the gods and substituted a form of belief in a single creator, the Demiurge or supreme craftsman. This line of thought was developed in a stronger way by Aristotle, in his conception of a supreme intelligence that is the unmoved mover. Aristotle combined elements of earlier thinking in his account of the genesis of the gods (coming from the observation of cosmic order and stellar beauty and from dreams). Later attempts to study religion.

Later Greek thinkers tended to vary between the positions adumbrated in the earlier period. The Stoics (philosophers of nature and morality) opted for a form of naturalistic monotheism, while the philosopher Epicurus (341-270 BC) was skeptical of religion as ordinarily understood and practiced, though he did not deny that there were gods who, however, had no transactions with men. Of considerable influence was Euhemerus (c. 330-c. 260 BC), who gave his name to the doctrine called Euhemerism, namely, that the gods are divinized men. Though Euhemerus' own argument was based largely upon fantasy, there are certainly some examples, both in Greek religion (e.g., the god Heracles) and elsewhere, of the tendency to make men into gods, but it is obviously not universal. (see also  anthropomorphism)

Most of the Greek concepts about religion proved to be influential in the Roman world also. The atheistic Atomism of the Roman natural historian Lucretius (c. 95-55 BC) owed much to Epicurus. The eclectic thinker and politician Cicero (106-43 BC), in his De natura deorum ("Concerning the Nature of the Gods"), criticized Stoic, Epicurean, and later Platonic ideas about religion, but the book remains, however, incomplete. Much of the skepticism about the gods in the ancient world was concerned with the older traditional religions, whether of Greece or Rome. But in the early empire, the mystery cults, ranging from the Eleusinian mysteries of Greece to those of the Anatolian Cybele and the Persian Mithra, together with philosophically based religions such as Neoplatonism and Stoicism, had the greatest vitality. The patterns of religious belief were complex and of different levels, with various types of religion existing side by side. Into this situation Christianity was injected, and in its encounter with classical civilization it absorbed a number of the critiques of the gods of the older thinkers. In particular, Euhemerism was fashionable among the Church Fathers (the religious teachers of the early church) as an account of paganism. On the "pagan" side, there were persistent attempts to justify the popular cults and myths by the extensive use of allegory--a technique well adapted to the attempt to synthesize philosophical and popular religion. Christianity's own contribution to theories of the genesis of polytheism was through the doctrine of the fall of man, in which pure monotheism was believed to have become overlaid by demonic cults of the gods. Such an account could help to explain some underlying similarities between the Judeo-Christian tradition and certain aspects of Greco-Roman paganism. In this view there is the germ of an evolutionary account of religion. On the whole, however, the theories of religion in the ancient world were naturalistic and rationalist in emphasis. (see also  Roman religion)


2.2.2 The Greco-Roman period. Early attempts to study religion.

One of the earliest attempts to systematize the seemingly conflicting Greek myths and thereby bring order into this rather chaotic Greek tradition was the Theogonyof the Greek poet Hesiod (flourished c. 800 BC), who rather laboriously put together the genealogies of the gods. His work remains an important source book of ancient myth. The rise of speculative philosophy among the Ionian philosophers (e.g., Thales, Heracleitus, and Anaximander) led to a more critical and, to some extent, rationalistic treatment of the gods. Thus, Thales (6th century BC) and Heracleitus (flourished c. 500 BC) considered water and fire, respectively, to be the first substance, out of which everything else is made, though Aristotle reported mysteriously in the 4th century BC that Thales believed that everything was filled with the gods. Anaximander (6th century BC) called the primary substance the infinite (apeiron). In these various schemes of religious belief, there is a unitary something that transcends the many clashing forces in the world, transcending even the gods. Heracleitus refers to the controlling principle as logos, or reason, though the philosopher, poet, and religious reformer Xenophanes (6th-5th centuries BC) directly assailed the traditional mythology as immoral, out of his concern to express a monotheistic religion. This theme of criticism of the myths was taken over and elaborated in the 4th century BC by the philosopher Plato. More conservatively, the poet Theagenes (6th century BC) allegorized the gods, treating them as standing for natural and psychological forces. To some extent, this line was pursued in the works of the Greek tragedians and by the philosophers Parmenides and Empedocles (5th century BC). Criticism of the ancient Greek tradition was reinforced by the reports of travellers as Greek culture penetrated widely into various other cultures. The Greek historian Herodotus (5th century BC) attempted to solve the problem of the plurality of cults by identifying foreign deities with Greek deities (e.g., those of the Egyptian Amon with Zeus). This kind of syncretism was widely employed in the merging of Greek and Roman culture in the Roman Empire (e.g., Zeus as the Roman god Jupiter). (see also  Greek religion)

The plurality of cults and gods also induced skepticism, as with the Sophist Protagoras (c. 481-411 BC), who was driven from Athens because of his impiety in questioning the existence of the gods. Prodicus of Ceos (5th century BC) gave a rationalistic explanation of the origin of deities that foreshadowed Euhemerism (see below Later attempts to study religion), and another Sophist, Critias (5th century BC), considered that religion was invented to frighten men into adhering to morality and justice. Plato was not averse to providing new myths to perform this alleged function--as is seen in his conception of the "noble lie" (i.e., the invention of myths to promote morality and order) in The Republic. He was strongly critical, however, of the older poets' (e.g., Homer's) accounts of the gods and substituted a form of belief in a single creator, the Demiurge or supreme craftsman. This line of thought was developed in a stronger way by Aristotle, in his conception of a supreme intelligence that is the unmoved mover. Aristotle combined elements of earlier thinking in his account of the genesis of the gods (coming from the observation of cosmic order and stellar beauty and from dreams). Later attempts to study religion.

Later Greek thinkers tended to vary between the positions adumbrated in the earlier period. The Stoics (philosophers of nature and morality) opted for a form of naturalistic monotheism, while the philosopher Epicurus (341-270 BC) was skeptical of religion as ordinarily understood and practiced, though he did not deny that there were gods who, however, had no transactions with men. Of considerable influence was Euhemerus (c. 330-c. 260 BC), who gave his name to the doctrine called Euhemerism, namely, that the gods are divinized men. Though Euhemerus' own argument was based largely upon fantasy, there are certainly some examples, both in Greek religion (e.g., the god Heracles) and elsewhere, of the tendency to make men into gods, but it is obviously not universal. (see also  anthropomorphism)

Most of the Greek concepts about religion proved to be influential in the Roman world also. The atheistic Atomism of the Roman natural historian Lucretius (c. 95-55 BC) owed much to Epicurus. The eclectic thinker and politician Cicero (106-43 BC), in his De natura deorum ("Concerning the Nature of the Gods"), criticized Stoic, Epicurean, and later Platonic ideas about religion, but the book remains, however, incomplete. Much of the skepticism about the gods in the ancient world was concerned with the older traditional religions, whether of Greece or Rome. But in the early empire, the mystery cults, ranging from the Eleusinian mysteries of Greece to those of the Anatolian Cybele and the Persian Mithra, together with philosophically based religions such as Neoplatonism and Stoicism, had the greatest vitality. The patterns of religious belief were complex and of different levels, with various types of religion existing side by side. Into this situation Christianity was injected, and in its encounter with classical civilization it absorbed a number of the critiques of the gods of the older thinkers. In particular, Euhemerism was fashionable among the Church Fathers (the religious teachers of the early church) as an account of paganism. On the "pagan" side, there were persistent attempts to justify the popular cults and myths by the extensive use of allegory--a technique well adapted to the attempt to synthesize philosophical and popular religion. Christianity's own contribution to theories of the genesis of polytheism was through the doctrine of the fall of man, in which pure monotheism was believed to have become overlaid by demonic cults of the gods. Such an account could help to explain some underlying similarities between the Judeo-Christian tradition and certain aspects of Greco-Roman paganism. In this view there is the germ of an evolutionary account of religion. On the whole, however, the theories of religion in the ancient world were naturalistic and rationalist in emphasis. (see also  Roman religion)


2.2.3 The beginnings of the modern period. The late 17th and 18th centuries.

Attempts at a developmental account of religion were begun in the late 17th and 18th centuries. Notable was the scheme worked out, though not in great detail, by the Italian philosopher Giambattista Vico (1668-1774), who suggested that Greek religion passed through various stages: the divinization of nature, then of those powers that man had come to control (such as fire and crops), then of institutions (such as marriage), and finally the process of humanizing the gods, as in the works of Homer. The English philosopher David Hume (1711-76) gave another account in his Natural History of Religionwhich reflected the growing Rationalism of the epoch. For Hume, original polytheism was the result of a naïve anthropomorphism (conceiving the divine in human form) in the assignment of causes to natural events. The intensification of propitiatory and other forms of worship, he believed, led to the exaltation of one infinite divine Being. His "Essay upon Miracles" was also important in posing vital questions about the historical treatment of sacred texts, a set of problems that was to preoccupy 19th- and 20th-century Christian theologians.

The Rationalism of the period often involved a rejection both of paganism and dogmatic Christianity in the name of "natural religion." This natural religion, also called Deism, was the intellectual counterpart of the more emotional antidogmatic faith of the Pietists, who advocated "heart religion" over "head religion." Among the French Philosophes and Encyclopaedists, Voltaire (1694-1778) espoused an anticlerical Deism, which viewed the genesis of polytheism in the work of priests--a point also developed by another Encyclopaedist, Denis Diderot (1713-84). Voltaire was, incidentally, somewhat influenced and impressed by reports of the ethics of the Chinese social and religious sage Confucius (6th century BC).

The culmination of 18th-century Rationalism was found in the works of the German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), but it was a rationalism modified to leave room for religion, which he based essentially on ethics. He held that all men in their awareness of the categorical imperative (i.e., the notion that one must act as though what one does can become the universal law for mankind) and reverence for it share in the one religion and that the preeminence of Christianity lay in the conspicuous way in which Jesus enshrined the moral ideal. A series of reactions against the highly influential Kantian account paved the way for the various approaches to religion in the 19th century. In the meantime, the first beginnings of the development of Oriental studies and of ethnology and anthropology were making available more data about religion, though discussion in the 18th century continued, as in earlier centuries, the concern for the problems of religions other than those of the Judeo-Christian tradition largely in terms of the paganism of the ancient world. In this connection, the French scholar and politician Charles de Brosses (1709-77) attempted to explain Greek polytheism partly through the fetishism (belief in the magical powers of certain objects) found in West Africa. This foreshadowed later attempts to use comparative material in the elucidation of Greek myths. The French abbé Bergier (1718-90) explained primitive religions by means of a belief in spirits arising from a variety of psychological causes, which thus was a precursor of animism (a belief in souls in persons or certain natural objects).

One of the critics of Kant's view of religion was the German philosopher Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744-1803), who adopted an evolutionary account of the human race and who saw in mythology something much deeper and more significant for the understanding of human language and thought than a record of follies. His concern with symbolic thinking makes him the first modern student of myth. The German philosopher Friedrich Schelling (1775-1854) continued this positive approach, in the tradition of Romanticism. Furthermore, the advances in the knowledge of non-European, especially Indian, religion gave a wider perspective to discussions of the nature of religion, as was clear in the work of the German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel (1770-1831). The latter's self-confidence, in supposing that his philosophy represented the culmination of the history of philosophy, may amuse present-day scholars in view of the fact that many changes have occurred in philosophical enquiry since his day. Hegel was, nevertheless, immensely influential over a wide range of scholarship, including the study of religion. His followers were in large measure the founders of modern scientific history. Admittedly his theory of the historical dialectic--in which one movement (the thesis) is countered by another (the antithesis), both in interplay giving rise to a third (the synthesis), which now becomes the thesis of a new dialectical interplay, and so on--has been viewed as too artificial. But in providing a theoretical skeleton, it inspired attempts to make sense of the multitude of historical data, so that scholars were driven to the investigation and discovery of particular facts that might exhibit the universal patterns postulated. Hegel also had a modified relativism, which implied that each phase of religion has a limited truth. This, together with his dialectic scheme, led to a general theory of religions, which though dated, much too neat, and based on imperfect information, nevertheless represents an important attempt at a comparative treatment, and one that was evolutionary or developmental. (see also  history, philosophy of) The early 19th century.

Hegel, as an Idealist, stressed the formative power of the spiritual on human history. By contrast, the French social philosopher Auguste Comte (1798-1857), from a Positivistic and Materialist point of view, devised a different evolutionary scheme in which there are three stages of human history: the theological, in which the supernatural is important; the metaphysical, in which the explanatory concepts become more abstract; and the positivistic--i.e., the empirical. A rather different Positivism was expressed by the English philosopher Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), in which religion has a place beside science in attempting to refer to the unknown, and unknowable, Absolute. Evolutionary accounts were much boosted in the latter part of the 19th century by the new theory of biological evolution and had a marked effect both on history of religions and anthropology.

Meanwhile, the German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-72) propounded, in his Lectures on the Essence of Religion, a view of religion as a projection of the aspirations of men, a thesis that was to be taken up in various ways by, among others, Marx, Freud, and Barth.

These various movements were supplemented by the growth of scientific history, archaeology, anthropology, and other sciences, which increased comparative knowledge of civilizations and cultures. The major figures and trends in the relevant disciplines are dealt with below.

Though the 19th-century theories that form the starting point of the modern study of religion were often based directly on metaphysical schemes in competition with Christian and other theologies, there was a notably different atmosphere in comparison with preceding periods, and the stage was set for a more complex and mutual attempt to understand the history and nature of religion.



The growth of various disciplines in the 19th century, notably psychology and sociology, stimulated a more analytic approach to religions, while at the same time theology became more sophisticated and, in a sense, scientific as it began to be affected by and thus to make use of historical and other methods. The interrelations of the various disciplines in relation to religion as an area of study can be described as follows.

Religions, being complex, have different aspects or dimensions. Thus, the major world religions typically possess doctrines, myths, ethical and social teachings, rituals, social institutions, and inner experiences and sentiments. These dimensions lie behind the creation of buildings, art, music, and other such extensions of basic beliefs and attitudes. But not all religions are like Christianity and Buddhism, for example, in possessing institutions such as the church and the sangha (Buddhist monastic order), which exist across national and cultural boundaries. In opposition to such institutionalized religions, tribal religion, for example, is not usually separately institutionalized but in effect is the religious side of communal life and is not treated as distinct from other things that go on in the community.

The various dimensions of religion noted above represent a cross section of a tradition; but to see the latter in a well-balanced perspective it is necessary to view it as historical--as a religion having a past and the capacity for development in the future ("dead" religions, obviously enough, being the exception). Thus, there are various disciplines that may examine a religion cross-sectionally to find its basic patterns or structures. Psychology views religious experience and feelings and to some extent the myths and symbols that express experience; sociology and social anthropology view the institutions of religious tradition and their relationship to its beliefs and values; and literary and other studies seek to elicit the meanings of myths and other items. These structural enquiries sometimes benefit from being comparative--as when recurrent motifs in the doctrines of different religions are noticed. On the other hand, the aforementioned disciplines need to be supplemented by history, archaeology, philology, and other such disciplines, which have their own various methods of elucidating the past. Philosophy generally has attempted wide-ranging accounts of the nature of religion and of religious concepts, but it is not always easy to disentangle these enquiries from issues raised by normative theology.


2.3.1 Historical, archaeological, and literary studies. Historical and literary studies.

The expansion of European empires in the early 19th century and the growth of scientific methods in history and philology combined to place Oriental and other non-European studies on a new basis. Another stimulus to the new approach to history and philology was Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, which was accompanied by scholars and scientists; it was a notable attempt to gather knowledge of a culture systematically. The discovery and editing of sacred and other texts from other cultures also had profound effects upon European thinking. A notable publishing venture was the series Sacred Books of the East, edited under the leadership of the German Orientalist and philologist Max Müller (1823-1900), which placed at the disposal of Westerners translations of the major literary sources of the non-Christian world. Earlier, Müller had published translations of the more important Vedic texts (Hindu sacred works), of which the Rgveda was given a complete scholarly edition in 1861-77. Interest in these ancient Indian texts was intense among Europeans and Americans in that earlier reports had suggested that these represented a world outlook from the "dawn of humanity" and that the origin of polytheism lay in nature worship. The Vedas, however, turned out to be of a very different character. The length of human history and prehistory, as implied by evolutionary theory and the growing archaeological discoveries, precluded looking upon the Vedic hymns as anything but late; though the contents showed them to be highly artificial and complex compilations for use in a priest-dominated ritual context, they were not at that time seen as spontaneous outpourings of the human spirit. Müller himself reacted rather sharply by adopting a different theory, which expressed his philological slant--namely, that polytheism was the result of a disease of language, in which the terms for natural phenomena came to be treated as having independent and personal reality: nomina ("names") became numina ("spirits"). The theory was in vogue for a time but was later replaced by more realistic insights drawn from anthropology. Furthermore, study of the greater part of the corpus of Indian sacred writings, including those in vernacular languages (especially Tamil), gradually modified the preoccupation with the earliest texts--the Vedic hymns and the Upanisads (philosophical treatises).

Throughout the development of the study of non-European languages there was a supposition that a non-Christian equivalent of the Bible could be found, a sacred writing that would thus provide the authoritative key to the beliefs, practices, and institutions of the religion under consideration. Gradually, however, it became apparent that sacred scriptures play very different roles in different religious cultures. Somewhat later in developing were studies of the Buddhist canon in Pali (an ancient Indian language), which, through the work of such scholars as the English Orientalist T.W. Rhys Davids (1843-1922) and of the Pali Text Society, which he founded, had a remarkable impact in revealing to the West the full range of Theravadin (southern Buddhist) religious literature; it tended to make Western scholars look upon the Theravada as the earlier, "purer" form of Buddhism; but the editing of early Mahayana ("Greater Vehicle," or northern Buddhist) texts and the recognition of the different strata in the Pali canon have modified this view. Buddhist studies were enhanced by the growth of Tibetan, Chinese, and Japanese studies. Some of the more important modern scholars of Zen Buddhism (a Mahayana sect) have been Japanese, notably the philosopher D.T. Suzuki (1870-1966), sometimes called the apostle of Zen Buddhism to America, whose editions and interpretations have been widely influential.

The productivity of the study of religious literature of the late 19th century was immense, for it was not confined to the foregoing literary and archaeological activities but to the investigation of the Chinese Classics and the roots of Chinese civilization as well. Thus, by the early 20th century, Western scholars were in a position to study the main range of non-Western literary cultures. The wave of interest in these texts and the freeing of their dissemination from some of their traditional constraints (e.g., the restriction of Vedic revelation to the upper classes of the Indian caste system) contributed to the revival of other religious cultures--notably Hinduism and Buddhism, under the stimulus of the Western challenge. Modern scholarship thus provided the basis for a new self-understanding among such religious traditions.

Meanwhile, the texts of Zoroastrianism, an Iranian religion originating in the 6th century BC, were being discovered and edited (from 1850 onward). The disentangling of different layers of varying antiquity indicated the complex ways in which the religion of Zoroaster had developed.

During the latter part of the 19th and early part of the 20th century, there was a remarkable flowering of ancient Middle Eastern studies. Archaeology contributed to the unravelling of non-Jewish and Jewish religious history. The discovery of the Epic of Gilgamesh, a major work of Mesopotamian religious literature, and other materials brought a whole new perspective to the development of ideas in Mesopotamia; and in Egypt archaeological and papyrological studies brought to light the famous and revealing Egyptian funerary text, the Book of the Dead. These various ancient Middle Eastern discoveries have thrown light on the evolution of Judaism, and Semitic studies have likewise illuminated the origins and background of Islam. Furthermore, classical and European studies assembled data about the pre-Christian religions of the West so that scholars might gain a more detailed and scientific understanding of them. Compilations such as the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum and the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, assembled in the 19th century, and the publication of Germanic, Celtic, and Scandinavian texts provided the tools for a reappraisal of these older traditions. Throughout the period intense researches into the composition and milieu of the Old and New Testaments reflected a new and "scientific" spirit of enquiry--which was, however, not without its controversial elements, sometimes because of the intimate tie between religious positions and evaluations of the Bible and sometimes because of the application of speculative patterns in the history of (non-Christian) religions to the New Testament. Meanwhile, the assemblage of materials extended forward into Christian history through the application of classical philological methods to patristic texts (the writing of the early Church Fathers) and to the corpus of Reformation writings. Archaeological studies.

The great archaeological discoveries of Heinrich Schliemann, the German excavator of Troy; the English archaeologists Arthur Evans in Crete and Wm. M. Flinders Petrie in Egypt; the French archaeologist Jacques de Morgan in Elam; the German Orientalist Hugo Winckler in Bogazköy (Anatolia); the French archaeologists Claude Schaeffer and C. Virolleaud in Ras Shamra (Ugarit); and other archaeologists greatly enlightened modern knowledge of the Greco-Roman and ancient Middle Eastern worlds. Biblical archaeology, culminating perhaps in the discovery of Masada, the Judaean hill fortress where the Jews made their last stand against the Romans in the revolt of AD 66-73 and that was mainly excavated in 1963, has given a new perspective to Old Testament, intertestamental, and later studies of ancient Judaism. The spectacular discovery by the English archaeologist John Marshall and others of the Indus Valley civilization pushed back knowledge of Indian prehistory to about 3500 BC and called into question the earlier theory of the primacy of Vedic culture in the formation of the Indian tradition, many features of which appear to have their first manifestation in the Indus Valley cities.

Archaeology made another profound impact on the study of religion when in 1841 the discovery of prehistoric human artifacts and later finds gave clues to early man's magico-religious beliefs and practices. These discoveries, notably the cave paintings in the Dordogne, northern and eastern Spain, and elsewhere, gave scholars encouragement to work out the course of man's religious evolution from earliest times. Spectacular as prehistoric archaeology was proving to be, however, it could only yield fragments of a whole that is difficult to reconstruct. Even the famous cave paintings of Les Trois Frères, in the Dordogne, for example, which portray among other things a dancing human with antlers on his head and a stallion's tail decorating his rear, does not yield an unambiguous interpretation: is the dancing figure a sorcerer, a priest, or what? He very likely is a priest presenting himself as a divine figure connected with animal fertility and hunting rites--but this remains as only an educated guess. Hence, it became attractive to many scholars of religion to try to supplement ancient archaeological evidence with data drawn from contemporary primitive peoples--i.e., to interpret the prehistoric Stone Age through present-day stone age cultures. This procedure has several pitfalls--partly because contemporary "primitives" are themselves the product of a long historical process and because their culture may have changed over the millennia in many and various ways. (see also  prehistoric religion)

The work of the archaeologists has not merely stimulated new thinking about the early stages of religious history but it has also been a factor in drawing attention to the roles of buildings and art objects in religion. During the present century, spectacular religious monuments of the past, such as Angkor Wat (Cambodia), Borobudur (Indonesia), Ellora and Ajanta (India), and the Acropolis (Athens), have been officially preserved for scholarly and public viewing. Though iconography (the study of content and meaning in visual arts) has been better developed among art historians, students of religion are now paying increased attention to the religious decipherment of the visual arts. By contrast, very little has been done in the sphere of music, despite the considerable role it plays in so many religions. This is a further way in which the study of texts and ideas needs to be supplemented by knowledge of the milieu in which they have their meaning.


2.3.2 Anthropological approaches to the study of religion. Theories concerning the origins of religion.

To draw a clear line between anthropology and sociology is difficult, and the two disciplines are divided more by tradition than by the scholarly methods they employ. Anthropology, however, has tended to be chiefly concerned with nonliterate and technologically primitive cultures and thus has stressed a certain range of techniques, such as the use of participant observation. Much anthropological investigation, however, has been carried out recently in more complex societies, such as in various Hindu areas of India, where there are different layers of society, ranging from an educated elite to illiterate workers who carry out the traditional menial tasks of the lowest castes and the outcastes. Because of the anthropologists' interest in tribal and "primitive" societies, it has not been unnatural for them to try to use the data gained in the study of such societies to speculate about the genesis and functions of religion.

An early attempt to combine archaeological evidence of prehistoric peoples, on the one hand, and anthropological evidence of primitive peoples, on the other, was that of the English anthropologist John Lubbock (1834-1913). His book, The Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man, outlined an evolutionary scheme, beginning with atheism (the absence of religious ideas) and continuing with fetishism, nature worship, and totemism (a system of belief involving the relationship of specific animals to clans), shamanism (a system of belief centring on the shaman, a religious personage having curative and psychic powers), anthropomorphism, monotheism (belief in one god), and, finally, ethical monotheism. Lubbock recognized a point later made by the German theologian and philosopher Rudolf Otto (1869-1937) in distinguishing between the unique holiness (separateness) of God and his ethical characteristics. Unfortunately, much of his information was unreliable, and his schematism was open to question; he foreshadowed, nevertheless, other forms of evolutionism, which were to become popular both in sociology and anthropology. The English ethnologist E.B. Tylor (1832-1917), who is commonly considered the father of modern anthropology, expounded, in his book Primitive Culture, the thesis that animism is the earliest and most basic religious form. Out of this evolves fetishism, belief in demons, polytheism, and, finally, monotheism, which derives from the exaltation of a great god, such as the sky god, in a polytheistic context. A somewhat similar system was advanced by Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) in his Principles of Sociology, though he stresses ancestor worship rather than animism as the basic consideration.

The classifications of religion--polytheism, henotheism (i.e., the worship of one god as supreme without necessarily excluding the possibility of other groups' gods), and monotheism--begin from concern with gods and often imply the superiority of monotheism over other forms of belief. Naturally, the anthropologists of the 19th century were deeply influenced by the presuppositions of Western society.

The English anthropologist R.R. Marett (1866-1943), in contrast to Tylor, viewed what he termed animatism as of basic importance. He took his clue from such ideas as mana, mulungu, orenda, and so on (concepts found in the Pacific, Africa, and America, respectively), referring to a supernatural power (a kind of supernatural "electricity") that does not necessarily have the personal connotation of animistic entities and that becomes especially present in certain men, spirits, or natural objects. Marett criticized Tylor for an overly intellectual approach, as though primitive men used personal forces as explanatory hypotheses to account for dreams, natural events, and other phenomena. For Marett, primitive religion is "not so much thought out as danced out," and its primary emotional attitude is not so much fear as awe (in this he is close to Otto, whom he influenced).

Another important figure in the development of theories of religion was the British folklorist Sir James Frazer (1854-1941), in whose major work, The Golden Boughis set forth a mass of evidence to establish the thesis that men must have begun with magic and progressed to religion and from that to science. He owes much to Tylor but places magic in a phase anterior to belief in supernatural powers that have to be propitiated--this belief being the core of religion. Because of the realization that magical rituals do not in fact work, primitive man then turns, according to Frazer, to reliance on supernatural beings outside his control, beings who need to be treated well if they are to cooperate with human purposes. With further scientific discoveries and theories, such as the mechanistic view of the operation of the universe, religious explanations gave way to scientific ones. Frazer's scheme is reminiscent of that of the French "father of sociology," Auguste Comte.

These and other evolutionary schemes came in for criticism, however, in the light of certain facts about the religions of primitive peoples. Thus, the Scottish folklorist Andrew Lang (1844-1912) discovered from anthropological reports that various primitive tribes believed in a high god--a creator and often legislator of the moral order. Marett and other anthropologists contended that Lang's attempt to argue for an Urmonotheismus (primordial monotheism) was contrary both to evolutionary ideas and to the established view of the lack of sophistication and half-animal status of the so-called savage. Since Lang was more of a brilliant journalist than an anthropologist, his view was not taken with as much seriousness as it should have been.

The German Roman Catholic priest and ethnologist Wilhelm Schmidt (1868-1954), however, brought anthropological expertise to bear in a series of investigations of such primitive societies as those of the Tierra del Fuegians (South America), the Negrillos of Rwanda (Africa), and the Andaman Islanders (Indian Ocean). The results were assembled in his Der Ursprung der Gottesidee ("The Origin of the Idea of God"), which appeared in 12 volumes from 1912 to 1955. Not surprisingly, Schmidt and his collaborators saw in the high gods, for whose cultural existence they produced ample evidence from a wide variety of unconnected societies, a sign of a primordial monotheistic revelation that later became overlaid with other elements (this was an echo of earlier Christian theories invoking the Fall to similar effect). The interpretation is controversial, but at least Lang and Schmidt produced grounds for rejecting the earlier rather naïve theory of evolutionism.

Modern scholars do not, on the whole, accept Schmidt's scheme. Some, such as the Italian anthropologist Raffaele Pettazzoni (1883-1959), have stressed merely that a sky god has a certain natural preeminence; others emphasize that the high god is often a deus otiosus ("idle god")--i.e., not active in the world and hence not the recipient of a functioning cult. In any event, it is a very long jump from the premise that primitive tribes have high gods to the conclusion that the earliest men were monotheists.

Others who have looked at religions from an anthropological point of view have emphasized the importance, in a number of cultures, of the mother goddess (as distinct from the male sky god). A pioneer work in this direction was that of the Swiss anthropologist and jurist J.J. Bachofen (1815-87), whose Das Mutterrecht ("The Mother Right") unravelled some puzzles in ancient law, mythology, and art in terms of a matriarchal society. Functional and structural studies of religion.

The search for a tidy account of the genesis of religion in prehistory by reference to primitive societies was hardly likely to yield decisive results. Thus, anthropologists became more concerned with functional and structural accounts of religion in society and relinquished the apparently futile search for origins. (see also  functionalism)

Notable among these accounts was the theory of the French sociologist Émile Durkheim (1858-1917). According to Durkheim, totemism was fundamentally significant (he wrongly supposed it to be virtually universal), and in this he shared the view of some other 19th-century savants, notably Salomon Reinach (1858-1932) and Robertson Smith (1846-94), not to mention Sigmund Freud (1856-1939). Because Durkheim treated the totem as symbolic of the god, he inferred that the god is a personification of the clan. This conclusion, if generalized, suggested that all the objects of religious worship symbolize social relationships and, indeed, play an important role in the continuance of the social group.

Various forms of functionalism in anthropology--which understood social patterns and institutions in terms of their function in the larger cultural context--proved illuminating for religion, such as in the stimulus to discover interrelations between differing aspects of religion. The Polish-British anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942), for instance, emphasized in his work on the Trobriand Islanders (New Guinea) the close relationship between myth and ritual--a point also made emphatically by the "myth and ritual" school of the history of religions (see below Other studies and emphases ). Furthermore, many anthropologists, notably Paul Radin (1883-1959), moved away from earlier categorizations of so-called primitive thought and pointed to the crucial role of creative individuals in the process of mythmaking.

A rather different approach to myths was made by the 20th-century French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss, whose rather formalistic structuralism tended to reinforce analogies between "primitive" and sophisticated thinking and also provided a new method of analyzing myths and stories. His views had wide influence, though they are by no means universally accepted by anthropologists. Specialized studies.

The impact of Western culture, including missionary Christianity, and technology upon a wide variety of primitive and tribal societies has had profound effects and represents a specialized area of study closely related to religious anthropology. One pioneering work is Religions of the Oppressed by the Italian anthropologist and historian of religion Vittorio Lanternari. What is striking is the way in which similar types of reaction, creating new religious movements, occur at different points across the world. There are, thus, many possibilities of a comparative treatment.

Among a number of contemporary anthropologists, including the American Clifford Geertz, there is a concern, after a period of functionalism, with exploring more deeply and concretely the symbolism of cultures. The English social anthropologist E.E. Evans-Pritchard (1902-73), noted among other things for his work on the religion of Nuer people (who live in The Sudan), produced in his Theories of Primitive Religion a penetrating critique of many of the earlier anthropological stances. Though it has always been difficult to confirm theories in view of the complexity of the data, a statistical approach has been attempted--e.g., by G. Swanson in his Birth of the Gods, which attempts to exhibit correlations between types of social arrangement and religious beliefs, such as the caste system and belief in reincarnation.

Because of the nature of the societies that typically have come under the scrutiny of anthropology, the discipline has necessarily had to come to terms with religion. In terms of the methods used, the anthropological approach is of considerable interest to historians of religion and is a corrective to overintellectual, text-based accounts of religions. Also, the present concerns for comparative studies and symbolic analysis coincide with existing concerns in the phenomenology of religion (see below History and phenomenology of religion ).


2.3.3 Sociological studies of religion. Theories of stages.

Auguste Comte (1798-1857) is usually considered the founder of modern sociology. His general theory hinged substantially on a particular view of religion, and this view has somewhat influenced the sociology of religion since that time. In his Cours de philosophie positive (The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte) Comte expounded a naturalistic Positivism and sketched out the following stages in the evolution of thought. First, there is what he called the theological stage, in which events are explained by reference to supernatural beings; next, there is the metaphysical stage, in which more abstract unseen forces are invoked; finally, in the positivistic stage, men seek causes in a scientific and practical manner. To seek for scientific laws governing human morality and society is as necessary, in this view, as to search for those in physics and biology--hence Comte's role in advocating a science of society, namely sociology. Among the leading figures in the development of sociological theories were Spencer and Durkheim (see above Anthropological approaches to the study of religion ).

A rather separate tradition was created by the German economic theorist Karl Marx (1818-83). A number of Marxists, notably Lenin (1870-1924) and K. Kautsky (1854-1938), have developed social interpretations of religion based on the theory of the class struggle. Whereas sociological functionalists posited the existence in a society of some religion or a substitute for it (Comte, incidentally, propounded a positivistic religion, somewhat in the spirit of the French Revolution), the Marxists implied the disappearance of religion in a classless society. Thus, in their view religion in man's primordial communist condition, at the dawn of the historical dialectic, reflects ignorance of natural causes, which are explained animistically. The formation of classes leads, through alienation, to a projection of the need for liberation from this world into the transcendental or heavenly sphere. Religion, both consciously and unconsciously, thus becomes an instrument of exploitation. In the words of the young Marx, religion is "the generalized theory of the world . . . , its logic in popular form." The modern intellectualist accounts of religion, tending to ignore the rituals, experiences, and institutions but concentrating rather on the doctrines and myths, have proved something of a problem for later Marxist applications of their theory. Since the theory was a product of a rather early and unsophisticated stage of theorizing about religion, it was not adapted particularly well to deal with other cultures--hence a considerable debate in modern China on the status of Chinese religion in the light of Marxism, some holding that Marx's critique did not, for example, fit Buddhism. Comparative studies.

One of the most influential theoreticians of the sociology of religion was the German scholar Max Weber (1864-1920). He observed that there is an apparent connection between Protestantism and the rise of capitalism, and in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism he accounted for the connection in terms of Calvinism's inculcating a this-worldly asceticism--which created a rational discipline and work ethic, together with a drive to accumulate savings that could be used for further investment. Weber noted, however, that such a thesis ought to be tested; and a major contribution of his thinking was his systematic exploration of other cultural traditions from a sociological point of view. He wrote influentially about Islam, Judaism, and Indian and Chinese religions and, in so doing, elaborated a set of categories, such as types of prophecy, the idea of charisma (spiritual power), routinization, and other categories, which became tools to deal with the comparative material; he was thus the real founder of comparative sociology. Because of his special interest in religion, he can also be reckoned a major figure in the comparative study of religion (though he is not usually reckoned so in most accounts of the history of religions). Though he made significant contributions to the study of religion, his judgments on Indian and other religions are not all or mostly accepted now--since he necessarily based his views on secondary sources--and some of his categorial distinctions are open to debate, such as his rather broad use of the category of prophet.

Weber's comparative method in the scientific sociology of religion introduced an analogue to experimentation (i.e., looking at similar patterns in independent cultures with varying contextual conditions). Since the 1950s there has been considerable emphasis on statistical methods, side by side with the more theoretical discussions arising from classical sociology. Typical of the trend is the American sociologist Gerhard Lenski's Religious Factor, which delineates the relations between religious allegiance and other factors in a large city in the United States. Other sociological studies.

An extensive literature on religious sects and similar groups has also developed. To some extent this has been influenced by the German theologian Ernst Troeltsch in his distinction between church and sect (see below Theological studies ). Notable among modern investigators of sectarianism is the British scholar Bryan Wilson. Church organizations also have attempted to use the insights of sociology in the work of evangelism and other church-related activities--a use of the discipline that is sometimes called "religious sociology" to distinguish it from the more theoretical and "objective" sociology of religion.

Coordination between sociology and the history of religions is not usually very close, since the two disciplines operate as separate departments in most universities and often in different faculties. From the sociological end, Weber represents one kind of synthesis; from the history-of-religions end, the writings of the German-American scholar Joachim Wach (see below The "Chicago school" ) were quite influential. In his book Sociology of Religion he attempted to exhibit the ways in which the community institutions of religion express certain attitudes and experiences. This view was in accordance with his insistence on the practical and existential side of religion, over against the intellectualist tendency to treat the correlate of the group as being a system of beliefs.

Among the more recent theorists of the sociology of religion is the influential and eclectic American scholar Peter Berger. In The Sacred Canopy he draws on elements from Marx, Durkheim, Weber, and others, creating a lively theoretical synthesis. One problem is raised by his method, however; he espouses what he calls "methodological atheism" in his work, which appears to presuppose a view about religion. Despite Berger's sympathy in dealing with religious phenomena, the methodological stance adopted in this book seems to imply a reductionist position--namely, one in which religious beliefs are explained by reference to basically nonreligious sentiments, sociopsychological circumstances, and other factors. In itself, this is a theory having possibilities, for the study of religion cannot rule out a priori the thesis that religion is a projection--e.g., that it rests upon an illusion--or other such theses; but the question arises as to whether or not the methods espoused in the scientific study of religion have already secretly prejudged the issue.

On the whole, modern sociology is largely geared to dealing with Western religious institutions and practices, though some notable work has been done, especially since World War II, in Asian sociology of religion. Emphasis has been placed upon the process of secularization in a number of Western sociological studies (which have had some impact on the formation of modern Christian theology), notably in The Secular City of the American theologian Harvey Cox. There are indications that the process of secularization does not occur in the same degree or occurs in a different manner in non-Western cultures.

In general, the main question of the sociology of religion concerns the effectiveness with which it can relate to other studies of religion. This question is posed in The Scientific Study of Religion, by the American sociologist J. Milton Yinger. A similar tendency is noted in the synthesis between the history and the sociology of religion in a new-style evolutionism propounded by another American scholar, Robert Bellah.


2.3.4 The psychology of religion.

The study of religious psychology involves both the gathering and classification of data and the building and testing of various (usually rather wide-ranging) explanations. The former activity overlaps with the phenomenology of religion, so it is to some extent an arbitrary decision under which head one should include descriptive studies of religious experience and related subjects. Psychological studies.

Notable among investigations by psychologists was The Varieties of Religious Experience, by the American philosopher and psychologist William James (1842-1910), in which he attempted to account for experiences such as conversion through the concept of invasions from the unconscious. Because of the clarity of his style and his philosophical distinction, the work has had a lasting influence, though it is dated in a number of ways and his examples come from a relatively narrow selection of individuals, largely within the ambit of Protestant Christianity. This points to a recurring problem--that of relating individual psychology to the institutions and symbols of different cultures and traditions.

More radical, but drawing from a rather larger range of examples, was the American psychologist J.H. Leuba (1868-1946). In A Psychological Study of Religion he attempted to account for mystical experience psychologically and physiologically, pointing to analogies with certain drug-induced experiences. Leuba argued forcibly for a naturalistic treatment of religion, which he considered to be necessary if religious psychology was to be looked at scientifically. Others, however, have argued that psychology is in principle neutral, neither confirming nor ruling out belief in the transcendent. Most scholars would, however, consider the problem to be a complex philosophical one, which goes beyond psychology as such. (see also  mysticism)

Among those who have attempted a fairly detailed classification of mystical experience, but not necessarily from a scientific-psychological point of view, mention should be made of the English scholar Evelyn Underhill (1875-1941), drawing on examples from the Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions. Recently, systematic explorations (taking into account Eastern mysticism as well) have been undertaken. Rudolf Otto was important in elucidating the nature of numinous experience, and there has also been a certain amount of scholarly work performed in the description and classification of types of shamanism, spirit possession, and similar phenomena. Psychoanalytical studies.

More influential than James and Leuba and others in that tradition were the psychoanalysts. Freud gave explanations of the genesis of religion in various of his writings. In Totem and Taboohe applied the idea of the Oedipus complex (involving unresolved sexual feelings of, for example, a son toward his mother and hostility toward his father) and postulated its emergence in the primordial stage of human development. This stage he conceived to be one in which there were small groups, each dominated by a father. According to Freud's reconstruction of primordial society, the father is displaced by a son (probably violently), and further attempts to displace the new leader bring about a truce in which incest taboos (proscriptions against intrafamily sexual relations) are formed. The slaying of a suitable animal, symbolic of the deposed and dead father, connected totemism with taboo. In Moses and Monotheism Freud reconstructed biblical history in accord with his general theory, but biblical scholars and historians would not accept his account since it was in opposition to the point of view of the accepted criteria of historical evidence. His ideas were also developed in The Future of an Illusion. Freud's view of the idea of God as being a version of the father image and his thesis that religious belief is at bottom infantile and neurotic do not depend upon the speculative accounts of prehistory and biblical history with which Freud dressed up his version of the origin and nature of religion. The theory can still stand as an account of the way in which religion operates in individual psychology, though of course it has also attracted criticism on grounds other than historical ones (e.g., Buddhism does not have a father figure to worship).

A considerable literature has developed around the relationship of psychoanalysis and religion. Some argue, despite the atheistic mood of Freud's writing and his critique of religious belief, that the main theory is compatible with faith--on the grounds, for instance, that the theory describes certain mechanisms operative in people's religious psychology that represent modes in which people respond to the challenge of religious truth. Even if this position can be sustained, it is clear, nevertheless, that acceptance of Freudian insights makes a considerable difference to the way in which religious experience and behaviour are viewed. Questions have arisen about the range of applicability of Freud's ideas--e.g., whether or not his theories apply outside the Western milieu, such as in Theravada Buddhism, which does not possess a father figure or worship a god. Various attempts have been made to test Freud's theory of religion empirically, but the results have been ambiguous.

The Swiss psychoanalyst C.G. Jung (1875-1961) adopted a very different posture, one that was more sympathetic to religion and more concerned with a positive appreciation of religious symbolism. Jung considered the question of the existence of God to be unanswerable by the psychologist and adopted a kind of agnosticism. Yet he considered the spiritual realm to possess a psychological reality that cannot be explained away, and certainly not in the manner suggested by Freud. Jung postulated, in addition to the personal unconscious (roughly as in Freud), the collective unconscious, which is the repository of human experience and which contains "archetypes" (i.e., basic images that are universal in that they recur in independent cultures). The irruption of these images from the unconscious into the realm of consciousness he viewed as the basis of religious experience and often of artistic creativity. Religion can thus help men, who stand in need of the mysterious and symbolic, in the process of individuation--of becoming individual selves. Some of Jung's writings have been devoted to elucidating some of the archetypal symbols, and his work in comparative mythology, the history of alchemy, and other similar areas of concern has proved greatly influential in stimulating the investigations of other interested scholars. Thus, the Eranos circle, a group of scholars meeting around the leadership of Jung, contributed considerably to the history of religions. Associated with this circle of scholars have been Mircea Eliade, the eminent Romanian-French historian of religion, and the Hungarian-Swiss historian of religion Károly Kerényi (1897-1973). This movement has been one of the main factors in the modern revival of interest in the analysis of myth.

Among other psychoanalytic interpreters of religion, the American scholar Erich Fromm (1900-80) modified Freudian theory and produced a more complex account of the functions of religion. Part of the modification is viewing the Oedipus complex as based not so much on sexuality as on a "much more profound desire"--namely, the childish desire to remain attached to protecting figures. The right religion, in Fromm's estimation, can, in principle, foster an individual's highest potentialities, but religion in practice tends to relapse into being neurotic. Authoritarian religion, according to Freud, is dysfunctional and alienates man from himself. Other studies.

Apart from Jung's work, there have been various attempts to relate psychoanalytic theory to comparative material. Thus, the English anthropologist Meyer Fortes, in his Oedipus and Job in West African Religion, combined elements from Freud and Durkheim, and G.M. Carstairs (a British psychologist), in The Twice Born, investigated in depth the inhabitants of an Indian town from a psychoanalytic point of view and with special reference to their religious beliefs and practices. Among the more systematic attempts to evaluate the evidences of the various theories is Religious Behaviour, by Michael Argyle, another British psychologist.

A certain amount of empirical work in relation to the effects of meditation and mystical experience--and also in relation to drug-induced "higher" states of consciousness--has also been carried on. Investigation of religious responses as correlated with various personality types is another area of enquiry; and developmental psychology of religion, largely under the influence of the French psychologist Jean Piaget (1896-1980), has played a prominent part in educational theory in the teaching of religion. Most scholars agree, however, that more needs to be done to make results in the psychology of religion more precise; and also, for reasons that are unclear, very few people recently have concerned themselves with the field, which thus is in a state of suspension after a flurry of activity in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.


2.3.5 Philosophy of religion. The concerns of the philosophy of religion.

The scope of the philosophy of religion has changed somewhat in the last century and a half--that is, in the time since it came to be recognized as a separate branch of philosophy. Its nature is, as is typically the case in philosophy, open to debate. Three main trends, however, can be noted: (1) the attempt to analyze and describe the nature of religion in the framework of a general view of the world; (2) the effort to defend or attack various religious positions in terms of philosophy; and (3) the attempt to analyze religious language. Philosophical materials are also often incorporated into theologies--a modern example being the use of Existentialism in the theology of Rudolf Bultmann, the German New Testament scholar (see below Neo-orthodoxy and demythologization ), and others; an older example is the medieval theologian Thomas Aquinas' use of Aristotle and of his (Aquinas' own) insights in the service of a systematic Christian theology. The different activities mentioned above overlap substantially. The second of them is usually taken to include the exploration of natural theology (i.e., the truths about God that can be known, as it is claimed, by the aid of reasoning and insight, independently of the truths vouchsafed by revelation). Metaphysical systems (concerning the nature of reality) sometimes function as analogues to natural theology and thus provide a kind of support for a revealed religious belief system. Thus, much of philosophy of religion is concerned with questions not so much of the description of religion (historically and otherwise) as with the truth of religious claims. For this reason philosophy can easily become an adjunct of theology or of antireligious positions. To this extent, philosophy lies outside the main disciplines concerned with the descriptive study of religion; thus, it is often difficult to disentangle descriptive problems from those bearing on the truth of the content of what is being described. Feuerbach's "projection" theory of religion, for example, possessed a metaphysical framework, but it also included empirical claims about the nature of religion. The following brief account of philosophical trends is necessarily selective, leaning toward those philosophical theories that have a stronger content of, or relevance to, descriptive claims about religion. Theories of Schleiermacher and Hegel.

Immanuel Kant's powerful critique of traditional natural theology appeared to rob religion of its basis in reason and to make it an adjunct to morality. But Kant's system depended on drawing certain distinctions, such as that between pure and practical reason, which were open to challenge. One reaction that attempted to place religion in a more realistic position (i.e., as neither primarily to do with pure nor with practical reason) was that of the German theologian and philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768-1834) in his On Religion: Speeches to Its Cultured DespisersHe attempted there to carve out a separate territory for religious experience, as distinct from both science and morality. For him the central attitude in religion is "the feeling of absolute dependence." In drawing attention to the affective and experiential side of religion, usually neglected in preceding philosophical discussions, Schleiermacher set in motion the modern concern to explore the subjective or inner aspect of religion. Schleiermacher's main goal, however, was not the exploration of religion as such but rather the construction of a new type of theology--the "theology of consciousness." In so doing he relegated doctrines to a secondary role, their function being to express and articulate the deliverances of religious consciousness. Thus, incidentally, it became important for New Testament historians who were influenced by Schleiermacher to penetrate the religious consciousness of Jesus--this becoming, in effect, the reputed locus of his divinity.

G.W.F. Hegel had, as noted above, a profound effect upon the development of historical and other studies. His own system, the system of the Absolute, contained a view of the place of religion in human life. According to this notion, religion arises as the relation between man and the Absolute (the spiritual reality that undergirds and includes the whole universe), in which the truth is expressed symbolically, and so conveyed personally and emotionally to the individual. As the same truth is known at a higher--that is, more abstract--level in philosophy, religion is, for all its importance, ultimately inferior to philosophy. The relationship between abstract and concrete truth was, incidentally, taken up in the 19th-century Hindu renascence as a parallel to the doctrine of the Absolute--the Advaita (nondualism), the dominant expression of Hindu metaphysics--held by the 8th-century Hindu philosopher Shankara. The Hegelian account of religion was worked out in the context of the dialectical view of history, according to which opposites united in a synthesis, which in turn produced its opposite, and so on. Hegel was influential in the interpretation of Christian history: Jesus as thesis, Paul as antithesis, and early Catholicism as the synthesis, the latter becoming a new thesis that would elicit a new antithesis, Protestantism.

Hegel attracted some radical criticism, however. One such was that of the aforementioned German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-72), whose ideas have been sketched above. Another was that of the Danish philosopher and theologian Søren Kierkegaard (1813-55), sometimes regarded as the father of modern Existentialism, who reacted against the metaphysical and "rational" approach to Christianity in Hegel's thought. Kierkegaard's penetrating psychological insights were put to the service of philosophy and theology and threw new light on the nature of religious experience and its relation to features of man's inner life, such as dread and despair. Kierkegaard's main concern, however, was prophetic rather than descriptive. From a very different standpoint (i.e., that of liberal Protestantism), the German theologian Albrecht Ritschl (1822-89) made an apologetic defense of Christianity in his attempt to analyze theological utterances as essentially affirming value judgments.

Schleiermacher's delineation of religious experience was complemented by attempts among the Romantics and by the German philosopher Ernst Cassirer (1874-1945) to exhibit the nature of symbolic thinking and in particular the special character of religious symbolism. This was some distance from the rationalism of Kant, though Cassirer was nevertheless influenced by the Neo-Kantian tradition. Empiricism and Pragmatism.

The Hegelian school, very influential in the 19th century, entered a period of rapid decline in the early part of the 20th. The common sense and scientifically oriented philosophy of the English scholars G.E. Moore (1873-1958) and Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) introduced a period of Empiricism in Britain, while William James's Pragmatism had a similar effect in America. Theologically, there was an antimetaphysical revolution during and after World War I. On the continent of Europe, the increasing influence of Existentialism was hostile to the old type of metaphysics. British Empiricism was expressed very strongly in Logical Positivism (maintaining the exclusive value of scientific knowledge and the denial of traditional metaphysical doctrines) and its linguistic aftermath. This stimulated the analysis of religious language, and the movement was complicated by the transformation in the thought of the Austrian-English philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951), who in his later thought was very far removed from his early, rather formalistic treatment of language.

Theoretically, the Analytic attempt to exhibit the nature of religious language could have been a chiefly descriptive task, but, in fact, most analyses have occurred in the context of questions of truth--thus some scholars have been concerned with exhibiting how it is possible to hold religious beliefs in an Empiricist framework, and others with showing the meaninglessness or incoherence of belief. A landmark was the publication, in 1955, of New Essays in Philosophical Theology, edited by the English philosophers A.G.N. Flew and A. MacIntyre. Though Wittgenstein stressed the idea of "forms of life," according to which the meaning of religious beliefs would have to be given a practical and living contextualization, little has been done to pursue the idea empirically. The discovery by the English philosopher J.L. Austin (1911-60) and others of performative uses of language has stimulated some enquiry in this direction. On the whole, however, the Analytic philosophy of religion has been pursued rather independently of the descriptive study and history of religion. Modern Existentialist and Phenomenological studies.

Since linguistic philosophy tends to be considered by its proponents to be a method or a group of methods, internal diversity within the area of concern is not surprising. Similarly, Existentialism, which is less of an "-ism" than an attitude, expresses itself in a variety of ways. The most influential modern Existentialists have been the German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) and the French philosopher, dramatist, and novelist Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-80); the former was especially important in the development of modern continental theology, particularly for the use made of some of his ideas by Rudolf Bultmann.

According to Heidegger, man's existence is characterized as "care." This care is shown first in possibility: man makes things instrumental to his concerns and so projects forward. Secondly, there is his facticity, for he exists as a finite entity with particular limitations (his "thrownness"). Thirdly, man seeks to avoid the anxiety of his limitations and thus seeks inauthentic existence. Authenticity, on the other hand, involves a kind of stoicism (positive attitude toward life and suffering) in which death is taken up as a possibility and man faces the "nothing." The structure of man's world as analyzed by Heidegger is revealed, in a sense, affectively--i.e., through care, anxiety, and other existential attitudes and feelings.

Sartre's thought has had less direct impact on the study of religion, partly because his account of human existence represents an explicit alternative to traditional religious belief. Sartre's analysis begins, however, from the human desire to be God: but God is, on Sartre's analysis, a self-contradictory notion, for nothing can contain the ground of its own being. In searching for an essence man fails to see the nature of his freedom, which is to go beyond definitions, whether laid down by God or by other human beings.

The French philosopher Gabriel Marcel (1889-1973) is not individualistic like Sartre (or at least the early Sartre, whose thinking was modified by Marxism); instead, he stresses the communal character of human existence--the highest virtue being fidelity. Marcel also emphasizes the mysterious (as distinguished from the empirically problematic) character of love, evil, hope, freedom, and, above all, being. His work provides a rich analysis and interpretation of the religious dimensions of human experience and thus is a philosophical basis for the study of religious experience.

The Existentialist approach attempts to describe and evoke the way human beings are and thus can lay claim to be phenomenological. It is clear, however, from the divergencies among Existentialists, that they contain speculative and idiosyncratic elements, and one question raised about the general applicability of their characterizations is how far they are bounded by the product of a particular mood in Western culture.

The German philosopher Edmund Husserl (1859-1938) has had, as the main exponent of Phenomenology, a wide effect on the study of religion. His program of describing experience and "bracketing" the objects of experience, in the pursuit of essences of types of experience, was in part taken up in the phenomenology of religion. Husserl distinguished Phenomenology from psychology, however, because, in his view, the latter concerns facts in a spatio-temporal setting, whereas Phenomenology uncovers timeless essences. This aspect of Husserl's thinking has not always or wholly been accepted by phenomenologists of religion, who have been much more oriented toward facts, though Husserl's emphasis on essences often has tended to make religious phenomenology lean toward a static typology. Relationship between Western and non-Western philosophy in regard to religion.

Western philosophy has thus had a significant influence on the study of religion. It has also come into contact with non-Western traditions and has thus stimulated concern with the problem of the nature of religious truth in a world perspective. The most influential product of this interplay has most likely been the neo-Advaitin philosophy (a new version of Advaita, or nonduality) espoused by a number of modern Indians, such as Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902), who made a sensational appearance at the Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893, and the Indian philosopher Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888-1975). Both of these thinkers attempted to reveal the underlying unity in the great religions--a unity described from a point of view drawing on the thought of Shankara.

The U.S. philosopher William Ernest Hocking (1873-1966) pursued similar interests in the construction of a world faith that he considered might come about through the mutual modification of, and interchange between, the great religious traditions. These concerns have raised important questions about the criteria of truth between religions, the tests of whether one religion is truer than others, and the extent to which valid identifications of belief can be made between one faith and another. The various elements of the philosophical traditions of the last two centuries have thus had a bearing on religious questions, and most scholars consider that though the philosophy of religion tends to be normative rather than descriptive, it is a necessary adjunct to descriptive studies. Philosophical insights and expertise are of significant relevance to the numerous questions of method that arise in the study of religion. (See also PHILOSOPHIES OF THE BRANCHES OF KNOWLEDGE:losophy of religion .)


2.3.6 Theological studies. Historical-critical studies.

The major feature in the development of Christian theology during the 19th and 20th centuries has been the impact of historical enquiry on the biblical sources of belief (there has also been a similar effect on Jewish and other theologies, but Christian theology has been the most influential in the development of Western culture). A pioneer in the attempt to understand the mythological elements in the New Testament was the German theologian David F. Strauss (1808-74), whose controversial Life of Jesus(published in German, 1835-36) was an attempt to sift out the historical Jesus from the overlay of myth created by the poetic imagination of the early church. Similarly, the German church historian Adolf von Harnack (1851-1930), influenced by Albrecht Ritschl, intended to penetrate the accretions of dogma attached to the historical Jesus. Such attempts were later to come under radical criticism from, among others, the Alsatian philosopher-theologian and Nobel laureate Albert Schweitzer (1875-1965) for describing the alleged Jesus of history in terms tailored to fit the presuppositions of liberal Protestantism. Thus was raised an important methodological question on how to deal with such material as the Gospels.

Important in trying to spell out principles for dealing with the material was Ernst Troeltsch, who argued that history has to be written in accordance with the following principles: first, the principle of criticism--i.e., the sifting of the evidences and testing of conclusions (thus historical certainty about much in the ancient witnesses to Jesus is impossible); second, the principle of analogy--i.e., in the absence of firsthand experience, scholars must treat reports of miraculous events with skepticism since people do not encounter such events in their own experiences (here Troeltsch adopts the position of David Hume); and third, the principle of correlation--i.e., events in history are continuous with one another in a causal nexus, which rules out irruptions into the causal order by God: if he works in history he is immanently in all of it. Troeltsch, it may be noted, had some effect on the sociology of religion--e.g., in his distinction between church-type and sect-type organizations in the history of Christianity, a distinction that has formed the starting point of considerable researches in recent times, as noted above. The implications of Troeltsch's historical treatment of religion seemed to be relativistic. Christianity, at any rate, is viewed as a part of religious history as a whole, a point that had not always been clearly recognized by theologians. Troeltsch thereby raised some important questions about the relationship between Christianity and other religions and showed how Christian theology was beginning to take a more realistic view of mankind's religious experience and history, in distinction to the earlier rather simplistic dichotomies between special (i.e., Judeo-Christian) and general (i.e., natural) revelation.

Discoveries about ancient Middle Eastern religions were also bound to affect biblical studies, and a well-defined school developed in Germany--the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule (History of Religions school)--which was critical of the rather unhistorical treatment of Jesus by Ritschl and others. This school emphasized the degree to which biblical ideas were the product of the ancient cultural milieu. Important in this line of development was Albert Schweitzer, in whose Quest of the Historical Jesus the eschatological teachings (statements about the "last times," or end of the world as it is now understood) of Jesus are emphasized, together with the dissimilarity of his thought world from our own. Criticism of Harnack also came from a different direction. The French theologian Alfred Loisy (1857-1940), from a Roman Catholic point of view but taking into account the work of Protestant biblical critics, found the essence of Christianity in the faith of the developed church, which could not be found simply by trying to discover the nature of the historical Jesus. The founder, in effect, of Modernism within the Roman Catholic Church, Loisy was excommunicated; and this was a main factor in discouraging some of the livelier Roman Catholic studies of the New Testament until after the epochal ecumenical second Vatican Council (1962-65). Neo-orthodoxy and demythologization.

Liberal Protestantism of the Harnack type was severely criticized by Karl Barth, the founder of Neo-orthodoxy; liberalism's optimism, in any event, came under a cloud through the outbreak of World War I. Barth's Epistle to the Romans and his later Church Dogmatics became highly influential. His theology depended in part on a distinction between the Word (i.e., God's self-revelation as concretely manifested in Christ and in preaching) and religion. The latter, according to Barth, is the product of human culture and aspirations and is not to be identified with saving revelation (for salvation cannot come from mankind, only from God). This rather uncompromising view made use of the projectionist theory of religion expressed by Feuerbach and others. Barth's conclusion was challenged somewhat by another Swiss theologian, Emil Brunner (1889-1966), who allowed a modicum of insight for fallen man into God's nature. The concession was, however, a slight one. The Dutch theologian Hendrik Kraemer (1888-1965) applied the doctrine of the theology of the Word to non-Christian religions in The Christian Message in a Non-Christian World, which had a wide impact on the overseas mission field. Since man's religions are cultural products and since each system of belief is organic and particular, there are, according to Kraemer, no points of contact between them and the Gospel (even Christianity as an empirical religion must be distinguished from it: its only advantage is to have been continuously under the judgment and influence of the Gospel). Kraemer's position has come under some criticism from students of comparative religion; one of the theological problems it poses is that it seems to shut off the possibilities of dialogue between religions.

After Barth, the most influential theologian in the 20th century has been Rudolf Bultmann (1884-1976). Though he was mainly concerned with the presentation of the faith, his project of "demythologization" has had a wide significance for the historian of religions, for it involves a theory of myth. Bultmann came to the New Testament material partly as a historian and partly as a theologian influenced by the Existentialism of Heidegger. He centred his interest on the difference between the style of thinking in the early church, as expressed in the New Testament writings, and modern thought. Modern man, he held, cannot think in the mythological terms employed in the New Testament presentation of the Gospel. Therefore, it is necessary to demythologize the New Testament message. For Bultmann, the mythological elements are belief in the pre-existence of Christ, the three-layer universe (heaven, earth, and hell), miracles, ascension into heaven, demonology, and various other elements of the Judeo-Christian-Hellenistic world view. The inner meaning of the myths, he claimed, must be explicated in existential terms and purged of the objectifications that they contain. Thus, his theory contains an empirical claim, namely about the original function of myths (expressing existential attitudes through objectified representations). Bultmann's theory, however, has not yet been brought together with anthropological and other theories of myth. (see also  biblical criticism)

A follower of Bultmann, Fritz Buri, considers Bultmann's stance to be insufficiently radical, for Bultmann differentiated between the kerygma (the essential proclamation of the early church) and the myths, desiring to retain the former, but not the latter. Buri has attempted to overcome this distinction. Authentic existence is not, according to Buri, distinctively Christian, and he has been led to a position not altogether different in principle from that of Troeltsch. Buri's views have also led him into considering in some depth the significance of other religions. The relationship of Western Christianity to other religions.

Since World War II, Western Christianity has found it difficult, from a cultural point of view, to ignore the challenge of other religions; and the mood has changed somewhat from the more rigorous climate in which the theology of the Word (i.e., Barth's position) was dominant. The "theology of religions" (analogous to the "history of religions") has moved in the direction of dialogue, which sometimes simply refers to mutual acquaintance in charity so that people of differing faiths can come to understand more deeply the meaning of each other's religions. More significantly, it means a kind of mutual theologizing. Among the more prominent writers who have been involved one way or another in the process of dialogue have been the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber (1878-1965), the English Islamic scholar Kenneth Cragg, and the Canadian Islamic scholar Wilfred Cantwell Smith. In effect, modern dialogue continues an earlier tradition that emphasized some continuities between religions, notably the work of the British theologian John Oman (1860-1939), who was influenced both by Schleiermacher and Otto, though critical of the latter. Oman contrasted prophetic and mystical religion and considered that the former had the highest conception of the supernatural. There are analogies between his position and that of the important Swedish theologian, historian of religion, and archbishop Nathan Söderblom (1866-1931).

A rather different theory of myth and symbolism from that of Bultmann was expressed by Paul Tillich, who viewed religion as having to do with what concerns man ultimately. He taught that symbolic and mythological language, used by all religions, points beyond itself to the being in which the symbols participate. Tillich used the term being in an existential sense (one related directly to human experience and commitment) rather than a strictly metaphysical sense. Also, he claimed that it is not possible to dispense with the symbolic, which is essential to the task of speaking about ultimate reality, but the myths are to be "broken"--that is, they are to be seen as not being literally true.

Christian theology, in the 19th and 20th centuries, has been more concerned with intellectual and social challenges, however, than with the analysis of religion, which has been secondary to that concern.


2.3.7 History and phenomenology of religion.

The history of religions and the phenomenology of religion are generally understood by scholars to be nonnormative--that is, they attempt to delineate facts, whether historical or structural, without judging them from a Christian or other standpoint. At any rate, their tasks are considered to be different from that of articulating and systematizing a faith. The same, in principle, is true for the comparative study of religion, though this sometimes is thought to cover the theology of other religions, such as the Christian appraisal of Hindu history. Needless to say, the fact that a discipline aims to be nonnormative does not mean that it will succeed in being so. Also, the history and phenomenology of religion tend to raise essentially philosophical questions of explanation, where the issues are often debatable. Modern origin and development of the history and phenomenology of religion.

The history of religions on a cross-cultural basis, though it has quite an ancient pedigree, came into its own in a modern sense from about the time of Max Müller. During the latter part of the 19th century an attempt was made to place comparative methodology on a systematic basis (often called the Science of Religion), and in this connection the work of the Dutch theologians P.D. Chantepie de la Saussaye (1848-1920) and C.P. Tiele (1830-1902) was important. During this period, various lectureships and chairs in the subject were instituted. In The Netherlands, following the reform of the theological faculties in 1876, four chairs in the history of religions were founded. In 1879 a chair was founded at the Collège de France (followed by others elsewhere in France), while a number were created in Switzerland. The subject also spread to Great Britain (where chairs at Manchester and London were instituted), the United States (at Harvard and Chicago), and elsewhere in the Western world. In Germany, on the other hand, there was strong resistance, notably from Adolf von Harnack, who thought that theology should avoid what he regarded as dilettantism and that the subject was sufficiently covered in the study of biblical religion.

The first congress of Religionswissenschaft(Science of Religion) took place in Stockholm in 1897, and a similar one in the history of religions at Paris in 1900. Later, the International Association for the History of Religions, dedicated to a mainly nonnormative and nontheological approach, was formed. Also important was the compilation of encyclopaedias, notably Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, with many distinguished contributions. Thus, there were development and progress in the new subject in the latter part of the 19th and early part of the 20th century. In the 1960s came the next major burst of expansion.

A great amount of the work of scholars in the field has been devoted to exploring particular histories--piecing together, for instance, the history of Gnosticism (a Hellenistic-Christian heretical sect that emphasized dualism) or of early Buddhism. In principle, Christianity is considered from the same point of view, but much significant work has also been comparative and structural. This can range from the attempt to establish rather particular comparisons, such as Otto's comparison (in his Mysticism East and West) of the medieval German mystic Meister Eckehart and the medieval Hindu philosopher Shankara, to a systematic typology, as in Religion in Essence and Manifestation by the Dutch historian of religion Gerardus van der Leeuw.

There have been many significant scholars in the history and phenomenology of religion since Max Müller. Rudolf Otto (1869-1937) made a profound impression on the scholarly world with the publication of The Idea of the Holy(in its German edition of 1917), which showed the influence of Schleiermacher, Marett, Edmund Husserl, and the Neo-Kantianism of Jakob Fries (1773-1843). More important than the philosophical side of his enterprise, however, was the excellent delineation of a central experience and sentiment and the elucidation of the concept of the Holy. The central experience Otto refers to is the numinous (Latin numen, "spirit") in which the Other (i.e., the transcendent) appears as a mysterium tremendum et fascinans--that is, a mystery before which man both trembles and is fascinated, is both repelled and attracted. Thus, God can appear both as wrathful or awe inspiring, on the one hand, and as gracious and lovable, on the other. The sense of the numinous, according to Otto, is sui generis, though it may have psychological analogies, and it gives an access to reality, which is categorized as holy. Otto stresses what he calls the nonrational character of the numinous, but he does not deny that rational attributes may be applied to God (or the gods or other numinous powers), such as goodness and personality. The impact of Otto's work, however, does not depend on the now rather curious Neo-Kantian scheme into which he presses his data. Not all scholars would agree that the numinous is universal as a central element in religion, as Otto seems to have supposed: early Jainism and Theravada Buddhism, for example, have other central values. Otto's treatment of mysticism, which is central to Buddhism, wavers somewhat, and the notions of the "wholly Other" and of the tremendum do not easily apply to the experience of Nirvana (the state of bliss) or to other deliverances of the contemplative mystical consciousness. (see also  sacred and profane, mysterium tremendum et fascinans)

Friedrich Heiler (1892-1967), like Otto a professor at Marburg (Germany), was a strong proponent of the phenomenological and comparative method, as in his major work on prayer. Heiler, however, went beyond the scientific study of religion in attempting to promote interreligious fellowship, partly through the Religiöser Menschheitsbund (Union of Religious Persons), which he helped to found. Heiler believed in the essential unity of religions--a recurring theme in various guises in the period, though open to question because of the widely apparent divergences between prophetic and other religions, such as Theravada Buddhism and Jainism, which do not believe in a supreme personal being.

The phenomenologist of religion who probably has had the greatest influence after Otto, partly because he is fairly explicit about method, is Gerardus van der Leeuw (1890-1950), who was somewhat influenced by the French anthropologist Lucien Lévy-Bruhl (1857-1939) and his notion of prelogical mentality, which he applied to primitive cultures to distinguish them from civilized cultures. Van der Leeuw emphasized power as being the basic religious conception. His major work, Religion in Essence and Manifestationis an ambitious and wide-ranging typology of religious phenomena, including the kinds of sacrifice, types of holy men, categories of religious experience, and other types of religious phenomena. The work has been criticized, however, as being unhistorical. Partly because of his philosophical presuppositions, borrowed chiefly from Husserl, van der Leeuw held the disputable doctrine that Phenomenology knows nothing of the historical development of religion: it picks out timeless essences of religious phenomena. Apparently it is not necessary, however, to hold this doctrine, since one could as well classify types of religious change (i.e., temporal sequences), as indeed Max Weber attempted to do. Classificatory and historical techniques and conclusions are not incompatible, however. Thus, the work of Nathan Söderblom, who, as well as being a historian of religions, was prominent in the ecumenical movement, combined the two aspects in his Living God. The "Chicago school."

The phenomenological method was brought to the United States primarily by the German-American historian of religions Joachim Wach (1898-1955), who established Religionswissenschaft (Science of Religion) in Chicago and was thus the founder of the modern "Chicago school" (though his successor, Mircea Eliade, has a rather different slant). Wach was concerned with emphasizing three aspects of religion--the theoretical (or mental; i.e., religious ideas and images), the practical (or behavioral), and the institutional (or social); and because of his concern for the study of religious experience, he interested himself in the sociology of religion, attempting to indicate how religious values tended to shape the institutions that expressed them. Wach, however, was not committed to a religious neutralism in his use of the idea of a "science of religion." For him, Religionswissenschaft deepens the sense of the numinous and strengthens, rather than paralyzes, religious impulses.

Mircea Eliade (1907- ), a Romanian scholar who emigrated to the United States after World War II, has had a wide influence, partly because of his substantive studies on yoga (a Hindu meditation technique) and on shamanism (both these major works are now regarded as classical studies of their subjects) and partly because of his later writings, which attempt to synthesize data from a wide variety of cultures. The synthesis incorporates a theory of myth and history. Eliade was also a founder of the journal History of Religions, which expresses the "Chicago school" viewpoint. Eliade has been somewhat influenced by Jung, both in his psychological interpretations of certain religious experiences (such as those attained in the practice of yoga) and more importantly in his attempt to give an interpretation in depth to the mythic material over which he ranges so widely. He also affirms strongly the importance of the history of religions in the intellectual world and is thus concerned to emphasize its unique and positive role in providing a "creative hermeneutics" (critical interpretive method) of man's religious and existential condition. Two important elements in the theory of Eliade are, first, that the distinction between the sacred and the profane is fundamental to religious thinking and is to be interpreted existentially (the symbols of religion are, typically, profane in literal interpretation but are of cosmic significance when viewed as signs of the sacred); and, second, that archaic religion is to be contrasted with the linear, historical view of the world. The latter essentially comes from biblical religion; the former viewpoint tends to treat time cyclically and mythically--referring to foundational events, such as the creation, the beginning of the human race, and the Fall of man, on to illud tempus (the sacred primordial time), which is re-enacted in the repetitions of the ritual and in the retelling of the myth. Though Christianity has contained archaic elements, in essence it is linear and historical. Thus, faith in Christianity involves a kind of fall from archaic timelessness, and secularization--in which the overt symbolism of religion is driven underground into the unconscious--is a second fall. Eliade is not very explicit about his meaning beyond this point. Not only is he concerned with descriptive phenomenology, in which context his analysis of the religious functions of time and space is most illuminating, but also with a kind of metaphysical speculation (as exemplified in his idea of the "fall"). Other studies and emphases.

Though not always giving a detailed account of the correlation between myth and ritual, Eliade is indebted to the so-called myth and ritual school, which has influenced thinking in the history of religions and which was important in the 1930s, especially in the interpretation of Middle Eastern mythology. Thus, the Enuma elishthe Babylonian creation epic, was discovered to be no mere set of stories but rather a mythic drama re-enacted every year at the spring festival, at which time the foundation of the world is ritually renewed. More generally, it was seen that for a wide range of sacred stories it was important to discover the ritual context. The most influential statement of the school's position is to be found in Myth and Ritual (1933), edited by the English biblical scholar and Orientalist Samuel Hooke. (see also  Mesopotamian mythology)

Meanwhile, the categorization of types of religion (e.g., as polytheism, henotheism, or other) continued to stimulate attempts at a deeper understanding of the emergence of monotheism. To some extent scholars remained under the influence of the older evolutionism. An important work in this connection was Dio: Formazione e sviluppo del monoteismo nella storia delle religioni ("God: Formation and Development of Monotheism in the History of Religions"), by the Italian historian of religion Raffaele Pettazzoni (1883-1959), who emphasized the importance of the divinized sky in the development of monotheism. He was critical of the Urmonotheismus of Wilhelm Schmidt, considering that the latter's theory of an original monotheism went very far beyond the evidence. At best, the facts could only support the conclusion that primitive peoples believed in a supreme celestial being. Pettazzoni, in his concern for problems of method, was critical of the sharp division between phenomenology and history. He considered that the former cannot exist without the historical sciences--e.g., history, philology, and archaeology--but that it supplies scholars in the latter fields a sense of the religious significance of what they discover. This point of view has also been more vigorously espoused by the Swedish scholar Geo Widengren (1907- ), who has specialized mainly in Iranian religions. The need to integrate historical and structural studies has caused some debate in recent years; and there has also been some contrast made between historical approaches and contemporary sociological and (essentially theological) dialogical approaches to religion. To some extent, such debates represent different ideals of scholarship; but it is difficult to note where the essential incompatibilities lie. For many scholars, the multidisciplinary way of studying religion is difficult to comprehend.

Meanwhile, the longstanding interest in the Indo-European group of religions was given a new impetus in the work of the French comparative philologist and mythologist Georges Dumézil (1898- ), who broke away from an etymological (analysis of word derivations) approach and sought instead the thematic traits of the gods in the mythical material. This approach, pioneered by others before Dumézil, also was skeptical of the easy identification of gods with natural forces and emphasized the sociological functions of the divinities--without, however, holding to a reductionist theory. Dumézil's theory was partly stimulated by discoveries in the Middle East, notably that of Bogazköy (Turkey), which revealed a similarity between some of the chief gods of the Indo-European Mitannians and those of the Aryans of the Indian Vedic tradition. His theory correlated the functions of the gods with the tripartite division of Indo-European societies--namely the priestly regal, the nobility, and the producers (agriculturalists, craftsmen). Though his work has been controversial (there are, for instance, some difficulties about its application to ancient Greece, despite the fact that the analysis seems to apply to the threefold division of society into philosophers, warriors, and producers in Plato's Republic), there is no doubt that the search for correlated functions of the kind Dumézil postulated has been significant in the area of Indo-European mythology.

Dumézil's work is one example of a thematic, comparative study. The interest in such studies has grown since World War II. Examples can be found in the writings of such thinkers as the English scholar S.G.F. Brandon (1907-71) in his treatment of ideas such as creation and time in different religions, but with special reference to the ancient Middle East, and the English Indo-Iranian scholar R.C. Zaehner (1913-74), notably in his work on mysticism, as in his Mysticism Sacred and Profane. Zaehner's was a definitely Christian approach rather than a scientific-descriptive one; and his concern was to distinguish between theistic and other forms of mysticism, such as monistic mysticism as found, according to him, in Yoga, Advaita, and even Theravada Buddhism.

Apart from the comparative, phenomenological studies, there has also been a strong growth of historical work in regard to particular religions. This has been most obvious in Indian religions--in Hinduism and Buddhism especially. In part, this is the result of a general growth in non-Christian religions in the post-World War II era and of the need to come to terms with Asian and African cultures after the demise of European hegemony.




2.4.1 Interdisciplinary perspective.

The foregoing, a necessarily rather selective account of some of the principal developments and scholars in the various disciplines related to the descriptive, analytical study of religion, emphasizes the artificiality of some of the divisions between traditional disciplines. Thus, Dumézil's work could as easily fall under sociology or anthropology as under the history of religions; and there are obvious connections between philosophy and sociology in, for example, Marxist interpretations of religion. Again, the description and typology of religious experience belong as much to psychology as to the phenomenology of religion, and the analysis of the nature of symbolism requires a variety of disciplinary approaches. To some extent, the study of religion has suffered from the barriers between disciplines, and this fact is increasingly recognized in the formulations, notably in the United States, of the idea of religion as a subject that should be institutionalized in a university department or program in which historians, phenomenologists, and members of other disciplines work together. There are some, however, who consider that there are dangers in such an arrangement; thus Eliade prefers to work rather tightly within the framework of the history of religions, concerned lest the social sciences overwhelm and distract the interpreter of religious meanings. Similarly, the theological tradition in the West remains powerfully operative (quite legitimately) in regard to the articulation of the Christian faith and sometimes resists any attempt to treat Christianity itself in the manner dictated by the history and phenomenology of religion. Thus, the history of religions and the comparative study of religion still tend to mean in practice "the study of religions other than Judaism and Christianity." Educational and social pressures have arisen, however, within a secularistic, increasingly pluralistic society and (in effect) a shrunken world, increasing the tendency toward apluralism in the study of religion that expands the viewpoints of traditional faculties and departments of theology, both in universities and theological seminaries.


2.4.2 Cross-cultural perspective.

A further problem about the multidisciplinary study of religion is that little has been done to explore the problem of the people to whom religions are interpreted--the clientele for the subject. Hitherto, the main assumption has been that the study is for Westerners, though a number of distinguished Asian and African scholars are working in the field. Until recently, owing to the unequal cultural and political relationship between Western and non-Western religions, however, some of the most vital contributions have been primarily attempts to articulate (for the new apologetic situation) the old traditions. This has been a main concern of scholars of Asian religions such as Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, T.R.V. Murti, and K.N. Jayatilleke. The prospect is, however, that an intellectual community will be the clientele of the subject. To this extent the study of religions will most likely involve, as it does already to some extent, a complex dialogue between religions.

Another problem is the need to elucidate the basis of a dynamic typology of religion in which phenomenology and history are properly brought together. The tendency toward a rift between the historians and phenomenologists is unnecessary and causes harm to the pursuit of the subject.

Meanwhile, some emergent tendencies within the various disciplines can be perceived. There is an increased concern in anthropological theory for the content of religious symbolism, such as in the work of the English anthropologist Mary Douglas; and the sociology of religion is, in a sense, returning to the method of Max Weber in stressing the comparison of cultures. The important development of Oriental and African studies since World War II has made this task easier--American sociologists have, for example, examined in some detail Japanese culture and religion. The interest in symbolism and mythology coincides with developments in the philosophy of religion, which, under the influence of Wittgenstein (in his later, more open phase), is concerned with explicating different functions of language. One area of the study of religion that is seriously underdeveloped at the present time--other than in respect to the psychoanalytic approaches--is the psychology of religion, although current interest in mysticism and other forms of religious experience has stimulated the collection and interpretation of data. One of the difficult problems to be solved is the extent to which cultural conditioning exerts an influence on the actual content of such experience. (see also  religious experience)

In many ways the present position promises well for an expanding multidisciplinary approach to problems in the study of religion. Historians of religion are recognizing some of the contributions to be made by modern sociology, and sociologists--partly because of the development of the sociology of knowledge--have become more aware of the need for accounting for the particular systems of meaning in religion. An area that may very well exhibit the new synthesis is the study of new religious movements.

After a period of relative unconcern, Christian theology is increasingly aware of the challenge of other religious beliefs, so that there are greater impulses toward blending Christian and other studies--often kept rather artificially apart, though biblical studies, especially Old Testament studies, have usually been quite closely related to the history of the relevant religions of the ancient Middle East.

Meanwhile, in a number of Western countries (chiefly in Europe, but also to some extent in the United States), the study of religion on a pluralistic and multidisciplinary basis is being increasingly viewed as an important element in the education of secondary school students. This, together with the popularity of the subject in universities, may ensure that the study of religion will increase in significance.



3 The classification of forms and phenomena

The classification of religions, the attempt to systematize and bring order to a vast range of knowledge about man's religious beliefs, practices, and institutions, has been the goal of students of religion for many centuries but especially so with the increased knowledge of the world's religions and the advent of modern methods of scientific inquiry in the last two centuries.

The classification of religions involves: (1) the effort to establish groupings among historical religious communities having certain elements in common or, (2) the attempt to categorize similar religious phenomena to reveal the structure of religious experience as a whole.



The many schemes suggested for classifying religious communities and religious phenomena all have one purpose in common; i.e., to bring order, system, and intelligibility to the vast range of knowledge about human religious experience. Classification is basic to all science as a preliminary step in reducing data to manageable proportions and in moving toward a systematic understanding of a subject matter. Like the zoologist who must distinguish and describe the various orders of animal life as an indispensable stage in the broad attempt to understand the character of such life as a whole, the student of religion also must use the tool of classification in his outreach toward a scientific account of man's religious experience. The growth of scientific interest in religion in Western universities over the past 130 years has compelled most leading students of religion to discuss the problem of classification or to develop classifications of their own.

The difficulty of classifying religions is accounted for by the immensity of religious diversity that history exhibits. As far as scholars have discovered, there has never existed any people, anywhere, at any time, who were not in some sense religious. The individual who embarks upon the arduous task of trying to understand religion as a whole confronts an almost inconceivably huge and bewilderingly variegated host of phenomena from every locale and every era. Empirically, what is called religion includes the mythologies of the preliterate peoples on the one hand and the abstruse speculations of the most advanced religious philosophy on the other. Historically, religion, both ancient and modern, embraces both primitive religious practices and the aesthetically and symbolically refined worship of the more technologically progressive and literate human communities. The student of religion does not lack material for his studies; his problem is rather to discover principles that will help him to avoid the confusion of too much information. Classification is precisely the appeal to such principles; it is a device for making the otherwise unmanageable wealth of religious phenomena intelligible and orderly.

The endeavour to group religions with common characteristics or to discover types of religions and religious phenomena belongs to the systematizing stage of religious study. According to Max Müller,

All real science rests on classification and only in case we cannot succeed in classifying the various dialects of faith, shall we have to confess that a science of religion is really an impossibility.



The criteria employed for the classification of religions are far too numerous to catalogue completely. Virtually every scholar who has considered the matter has evidenced a certain amount of originality in his view of the interrelationships among religious forms. Thus, only some of the more important principles of classification will be discussed. (see also  social science)


3.2.1 Normative.

Perhaps the most common division of religions--and in many ways the most unsatisfactory--distinguishes true religion from false religion. Such classifications may be discovered in the thought of most major religious groups and are the natural, perhaps inevitable, result of the need to defend particular perspectives against challengers or rivals. Normative classifications, however, have no scientific value, because they are arbitrary and subjective, inasmuch as there is no agreed method for selecting the criteria by which such judgments should be made. But because living religions always feel the need of apologetics (systematic intellectual defenses), normative classifications continue to exist.

Many examples of normative classification might be given. The early Church Fathers (e.g., Clement of Alexandria, 2nd century AD) explained that Christianity's Hellenistic (Greco-Roman culture) rivals were the creations of fallen angels, imperfect plagiarisms of the true religion, or the outcome of divine condescension that took into account the weaknesses of men. The greatest medieval philosopher and theologian, Thomas Aquinas, distinguished natural religion, or that kind of religious truth discoverable by unaided reason, from revealed religion, or religion resting upon divine truth, which he identified exclusively with Christianity. In the 16th century Martin Luther, the great Protestant Reformer, forthrightly labelled the religious views of Muslims, Jews, and Roman Catholic Christians to be false and held the view that the gospel of Christianity understood from the viewpoint of justification by grace through faith was the true standard. In Islam, religions are classified into three groups: the wholly true, the partially true, and the wholly false, corresponding with Islam, the Peoples of the Book (Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians), and polytheism. The classification is of particular interest because, being based in the Qur`an, (the Islamic sacred scripture), it is an integral part of Islamic teaching, and also because it has legal implications for Muslim treatment of followers of other religions. (see also  patristic literature)

Although scientific approaches to religion in the 19th century discouraged use of normative categories, elements of normative judgment were, nonetheless, hidden in certain of the new scientific classifications that had emerged. Many evolutionary schemes developed by anthropologists and other scholars, for example, ranked religions according to their places on a scale of development from the simplest to the most sophisticated, thus expressing an implicit judgment on the religious forms discussed. Such schemes more or less clearly assume the superiority of the religions that were ranked higher (i.e., later and more complex); or, conversely, they serve as a subtle attack on all religion by demonstrating that its origins lie in some of humanity's basest superstitions, believed to come from an early, crude stage. A normative element is also indicated in classification schemes that preserve theological distinctions, such as that between natural and revealed religion. In short, the normative factor still has an important place in the classification of religions and will doubtless always have, since it is extraordinarily difficult to draw precise lines between disciplines primarily devoted to the normative exposition of religion, such as theology and philosophy of religion, and disciplines devoted to its description or scientific study.


3.2.2 Geographical.

Geographical distribution of the religions of the world in the early 1980s.

A common and relatively simple type of classification is based upon the geographical distribution of religious communities. Those religions found in a single region of the earth are grouped together. Such classifications are found in many textbooks on comparative religion, and they offer a convenient framework for presenting man's religious history. The categories most often used are: (1) Middle Eastern religions, including Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Zoroastrianism, and a variety of ancient cults; (2) Far Eastern religions, comprising the religious communities of China, Japan, and Korea, and consisting of Confucianism, Taoism, Mahayana ("Greater Vehicle") Buddhism, and Shinto; (3) Indian religions, including early Buddhism, Hinduism, Jainism, and Sikhism, and sometimes also Theravada Buddhism and the Hindu- and Buddhist-inspired religions of South and Southeast Asia; (4) African religions, or the cults of the tribal peoples of black Africa, but excluding ancient Egyptian religion, which is considered to belong to the ancient Middle East; (5) American religions, consisting of the beliefs and practices of the Indian peoples indigenous to the two American continents; (6) Oceanic religions--i.e., the religious systems of the peoples of the Pacific islands, Australia, and New Zealand; (7) classical religions of ancient Greece and Rome and their Hellenistic descendants. The extent and complexity of a geographical classification is limited only by the classifier's knowledge of geography and his desire to seek detail and comprehensiveness in his classification scheme. Relatively crude geographical schemes that distinguish Western religions (usually equivalent to Christianity and Judaism) from Eastern religions are quite common.

Although religions centred in a particular area often have much in common because of historical or genetic connections, geographical classifications present obvious inadequacies. Many religions, including some of the greatest historical importance, are not confined to a single region (e.g., Islam), or do not have their greatest strength in the region of their origins (e.g., Christianity, Buddhism). Further, a single region or continent may be the dwelling place of many different religious communities and viewpoints that range from the most archaic to the most sophisticated. At a more profound level, geographical classifications are unacceptable because they have nothing to do with the essential constitutive elements or inner spirit of religion. The physical location of a religious community reveals little of the specific religious life of the group. Though useful for some purposes, geographical classifications contribute minimally to the task of providing a systematic understanding of man's religions and religiousness.


3.2.3 Ethnographic-linguistic.

Max Müller, often called the "Father of the history of religions," stated that "Particularly in the early history of the human intellect, there exists the most intimate relationship between language, religion, and nationality." This insight supplies the basis for a genetic classification of religions (associating them by descent from a common origin), which Müller believed the most scientific principle possible. According to this theory, in Asia and Europe dwell three great races, the Turanians (including the Ural-Altaic peoples), the Semites, and the Aryans, to which correspond three great families of languages. Originally, in some remote prehistory, each of these races formed a unity, but with the passage of time they split up into a myriad of peoples with a great number of distinct languages. Through careful investigation, however, the original unity may be discerned, including the unity of religion in each case. Müller's principal resource in developing the resulting classification of religions was the comparative study of languages, from which he sought to demonstrate similarities in the names of deities, the existence of common mythologies, the common occurrence of important terms in religious life, and the likeness of religious ideas and intuitions among the branches of a racial group. His efforts were most successful in the case of the Semites, whose affinities are easy to demonstrate, and probably least successful in the case of the Turanian peoples, whose early origins are hypothetical. Müller's greatest contribution to scholarship, however, lay in his study of Aryan languages, literatures, and comparative mythology. (see also  ethnography , historical linguistics)

Because Müller was a scholar of the first rank and a pioneer in several fields, his ethnographic-linguistic (and genetic) classification of religions has had much influence and has been widely discussed. The classification has value in exhibiting connections that had not been previously observed. Müller (and his followers) discovered affinities existing among the religious perspectives of both the Aryan and Semitic peoples and set numerous scholars on the path of investigating comparative mythology, thus contributing in a most direct way to the store of knowledge about religions.

There are, nevertheless, difficulties with the ethnographic-linguistic classification. To begin with, Müller's evidence was incomplete, a fact that may be overlooked given the state of knowledge in his day. More important is the consideration that peoples of widely differing cultural development and outlook are found within the same racial or linguistic group. Further, the principle of connection among race, language, and religion does not take sufficiently into account the historical element or the possibility of developments that may break this connection, such as the conversion of the Aryan peoples of Europe to a Semitic religion, Christianity.

Other scholars have developed the ethnographic classification of religion to a much higher degree than did Müller. The German scholar Duren J.H. Ward, for example, in The Classification of Religions (1909) accepted the premise of the connection between race and religion but appealed to a much more detailed scheme of ethnological relationship. He says that "religion gets its character from the people or race who develop or adopt it" and further that

the same influences, forces, and isolated circumstances which developed a special race developed at the same time a special religion, which is a necessary constituent element or part of a race.

In order to study religion in its fullness and to bring out with clarity the historical and genetic connections between religious groups, the ethnographic element must thus have adequate treatment. Ward devised a comprehensive "Ethnographico-historical Classification of the Human Races to facilitate the Study of Religions--in five divisions." These major divisions were (1) the Oceanic races, (2) the African races, (3) the American races, (4) the Mongolian races, and (5) the Mediterranean races, each of which has its own peculiar religion. The largest branch, the Mediterranean races, he subdivided into primeval Semites and primeval Aryans, in order to demonstrate in turn how the various Semitic, Indo-Aryan, and European races descended from these original stocks.


3.2.4 Philosophical.

The past 150 years have also produced several classifications of religion based on speculative and abstract concepts that serve the purposes of philosophy. The principal example of these is the scheme of G.W.F. Hegel, a seminal German philosopher, in his famous Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion (1832). In general, Hegel's understanding of religion coincided with his philosophical thought; he viewed the whole of human history as a vast dialectical movement toward the realization of freedom. The reality of history, he held, is Spirit, and the story of religion is the process by which Spirit--true to its own internal logical character and following the dialectical pattern of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis (the reconciliation of the tension of opposite positions in a new unity that forms the basis of a further tension)--comes to full consciousness of itself. Individual religions thus represent stages in a process of evolution (i.e., progressive steps in the unfolding of Spirit) directed toward the great goal at which all history aims. (see also  free will)

Hegel classified religions according to the role that they have played in the self-realization of Spirit. The historical religions fall into three great divisions, corresponding with the stages of the dialectical progression. At the lowest level of development, according to Hegel, are the religions of nature, or religions based principally upon the immediate consciousness deriving from sense experience. They include: immediate religion or magic at the lowest level; religions, such as those of China and India plus Buddhism, that represent a division of consciousness within itself; and others, such as the religions of ancient Persia, Syria, and Egypt, that form a transition to the next type. At an intermediate level are the religions of spiritual individuality, among which Hegel placed Judaism (the religion of sublimity), ancient Greek religion (the religion of beauty), and ancient Roman religion (the religion of utility). At the highest level is absolute religion, or the religion of complete spirituality, which Hegel identified with Christianity. The progression thus proceeds from man immersed in nature and functioning only at the level of sensual consciousness, to man becoming conscious of himself in his individuality as distinct from nature, and beyond that to a grand awareness in which the opposition of individuality and nature is overcome in the realization of Absolute Spirit. (see also  Hegelianism)

Many criticisms have been offered of Hegel's classification. An immediately noticeable shortcoming is the failure to make a place for Islam, one of the major historical religious communities. The classification is also questionable for its assumption of continuous development in history. The notion of perpetual progress is not only doubtful in itself but is also compromised as a principle of classification because of its value implications.

Nevertheless, Hegel's scheme was influential and was adapted and modified by a generation of philosophers of religion in the Idealist tradition. Departure from Hegel's scheme, however, may be seen in the works of Otto Pfleiderer, a German theologian of the 19th century. Pfleiderer believed it impossible to achieve a significant grouping of religions unless, as a necessary preliminary condition, the essence of religion were first isolated and clearly understood. Essence is a philosophical concept, however, not a historical one. Pfleiderer considered it indispensable to have conceptual clarity about the underlying and underived basis of religion from which all else in religious life follows. In Die Religion, ihr Wesen und ihre Geschichte ("Religion, Its Essence and History"), Pfleiderer held that the essence of religious consciousness exhibits two elements, or moments, perpetually in tension with one another: one of freedom and one of dependence, with a number of different kinds of relationships between these two. One or the other may predominate, or they may be mixed in varying degrees.

Pfleiderer derived his classification of religions from the relationships between these basic elements. He distinguished one great group of religions that exhibits extreme partiality for one over against the other. The religions in which the sense of dependence is virtually exclusive are those of the ancient Semites, the Egyptians, and the Chinese. Opposite these are the early Indian, Germanic, and Greek and Roman religions, in which the sense of freedom prevails. The religion of this group may also be seen in a different way, as nature religions in the less-developed cultures or as culture or humanitarian religions in the more advanced. A second group of religions exhibits a recognition of both elements of religion, but gives them unequal value. These religions are called supernatural religions. Among them Zoroastrianism gives more weight to freedom as a factor in its piety, and Brahmanism and Buddhism are judged to have a stronger sense of dependence. The last group of religions is the monotheistic religions: Islam, Judaism, and Christianity, which are divided again into two sub-groups, i.e., those that achieve an exact balance of the elements of religion and those that achieve a blending and merging of the elements. Both Judaism and Islam grant the importance of the two poles of piety, though there is a slight tendency in Islam toward the element of dependence and in Judaism toward freedom. It is Christianity alone, he claimed, that accomplishes the blending of the two, realizing both together in their fullness, the one through the other. (see also  Chinese religion)

The intellectual heritage that lies behind this classification will be immediately apparent. The classification reflects its time (19th century) and place (western Europe) of conception in the sense that the study of religion was not yet liberated from its ties to the philosophy of religion and theology.


3.2.5 Morphological.

Considerable progress toward more scientific classifications of religions was marked by the emergence of morphological schemes, which assume that religion in its history has passed through a series of discernible stages of development, each having readily identifiable characteristics and each constituting an advance beyond the former stage. So essential is the notion of progressive development to morphological schemes that they might also be called evolutionary classifications. Trends in the comparative study of religions have retained the interest in morphology but have decisively rejected the almost universal 19th-century assumption of unitary evolution in the history of religion. The crude expression of evolutionary categories such as the division of religions into lower and higher or primitive and higher religions has been subjected to especially severe criticism.

The pioneer of morphological classifications was E.B. Tylor, a British anthropologist, whose Primitive Culture(1871) is among the most influential books ever written in its field. Tylor developed the thesis of animism, a view that the essential element in all religion is belief in spiritual beings. According to Tylor, the belief arises naturally from elements universal in human experience (e.g., death, sleep, dreams, trances, and hallucinations) and leads through processes of primitive logic to the belief in a spiritual reality distinct from the body and capable of existing independently. In the development of the idea, this reality is identified with the breath and the life principle; thus arises the belief in the soul, in phantoms, and in ghosts. At a higher stage, the spiritual principle is attributed to aspects of reality other than man, and all things are believed to possess spirits that are their effective and animating elements; for example, primitive men generally believe that spirits cause sickness and control their destinies.

Of immediate interest is the classification of religions drawn from Tylor's animistic thesis. Ancestor worship, prevalent in preliterate societies, is obeisance to the spirits of the dead. Fetishism, the veneration of objects believed to have magical or supernatural potency, springs from the association of spirits with particular places or things and leads to idolatry, in which the image is viewed as the symbol of a spiritual being or deity. Totemism, the belief in an association between particular groups of people and certain spirits that serve as guardians of those people, arises when the entire world is conceived as peopled by spiritual beings. At a still higher stage, polytheism, the interest in particular deities or spirits disappears and is replaced by concern for a "species" deity who represents an entire class of similar spiritual realities. By a variety of means, polytheism may evolve into monotheism, a belief in a supreme and unique deity. Tylor's theory of the nature of religions and the resultant classification were so logical, convincing, and comprehensive that for a number of years they remained virtually unchallenged.

The morphological classification of religions received more sophisticated expression from C.P. Tiele, a 19th-century Dutch scholar and an important pioneer in the scientific study of religion. His point of departure was a pair of distinctions made by the philosophers of religion Abraham Kuenen and W.D. Whitney. In the Hibbert Lectures for 1882, National Religions and Universal Religions, Kuenen had emphasized the difference between religions limited to a particular people and those that have taken root among many peoples and qualitatively aim at becoming universal. Whitney saw the most marked distinction among religions as being between race religions ("the collective product of the wisdom of a community") and individually founded religions. The first are the result of nature's unconscious working through long periods of time, and the latter are characterized by a high degree of ethical awareness. Tiele agreed strongly with Whitney in distinguishing between nature and ethical religions. Ethical religion, in Tiele's views, develops out of nature religion,

But the substitution of ethical religions for nature-religions is, as a rule, the result of a revolution; or at least of an intentional reform.

Each of these categories (i.e., nature or spiritualistic-ethical) may be further subdivided. At the earliest and lowest stage of spiritual development was polyzoic religion, about which there is no information but which is based on Tiele's theory that man must have regarded natural phenomena as endowed with life and superhuman magical power. The first known stage of the nature religions is called polydaemonistic (many spirits) magical religion, which is dominated by animism and characterized by a confused mythology, a firm faith in magic, and the preeminence of fear above other religious emotions. At a higher stage of nature religions is therianthropic polytheism, in which the deities are normally of mixed animal and human composition. The highest stage of nature religion is anthropomorphic polytheism, in which the deities appear in human form but have superhuman powers. These religions have some ethical elements, but their mythology portrays the deities as indulging in all sorts of shocking acts. None of the polytheistic religions, thus, was able to raise itself to a truly ethical point of view.

Ethical religions fall into two subcategories. First are the national nomistic (legal) religions that are particularistic, limited to the horizon of one people only and based upon a sacred law drawn from sacred books. Above them are the universalistic religions, qualitatively different in kind, aspiring to be accepted by all men, and based upon abstract principles and maxims. In both subtypes, doctrines and teachings are associated with the careers of distinct personalities who play important roles in their origin and formation. Tiele found only three examples of this highest type of religion: Islam, Christianity, and Buddhism. (see also  sacred and profane)

Tiele's classification enjoyed a great vogue and influenced many who came after him. Nathan Söderblom, a Swedish archbishop who devoted much energy to problems of classification, accepted the division of higher religions into two great groups but used a varied terminology that pointed to some of the characteristics of the two types of religion. In addition to natural religion and revealed religion, or religions of nature and religions of revelation, Söderblom spoke of culture religions and prophetic religions, of culture religions and founded religions, and of nature religions and historical religions. The highest expression of the first category is the "mysticism of infinity" that is characteristic of the higher aspects of Hindu and Buddhist religious experience. The apex of genuine prophetic religion is reached in the "mysticism of personality." All these distinctions mean the same thing, and all are indebted to Tiele's thought. Söderblom, however, sharply disagreed with Tiele's thesis of continuous development in the history of religion. In Söderblom's view, the line between nature religion and prophetic religion is a deep and unbridgeable chasm, a qualitative difference so enormous that one type could never evolve by natural historical processes into the other. Prophetic religion can be explained only as a radical and utterly new incursion into history. As Söderblom was a churchman and theologian as well as a distinguished historian of religion, there is without doubt an element of theological judgment influencing his stand on this matter. Söderblom was eager to defend the uniqueness of biblical religion, and he believed that his historical and scientific studies provided an objective basis for asserting not only the uniqueness but also the superiority of Christianity.

Tiele's enduring influence may also be seen in the classification of religions advanced by Mircea Eliade, a Romanian-American scholar who was one of the most prolific contemporary students of religion. Eliade, who in other respects might be considered among the phenomenologists of religion, was interested in uncovering the "structures" or "patterns" of religious life. The basic division that Eliade recognized is between traditional religions--including primitive religions and the archaic cults of the ancient civilizations of Asia, Europe, and America--and historical religions. The distinction is better revealed, however, in the terms cosmic religion and historical religion. In Eliade's estimation, all of traditional religion shares a common outlook upon the world--chiefly, the deprecation of history and the rejection of profane, mundane time. Religiously, traditional man is not interested in the unique and specific but rather exclusively in those things and actions that repeat and restore transcendental models. Only those things that participate in and reflect the eternal archetypes or the great pattern of original creation by which cosmos came out of chaos are real in the traditional outlook. The religious activities of traditional man are the recurring attempts to return to the beginning, to the Great Time, to trace again and renew the process by which the structure and order of the cosmos were established. Traditional religions may, therefore, find the sacred in any aspect of the world that links man to the archetypes of the time in the beginning; thus, their typical mode of expression is repetitive. Further, their understanding of history, as far as they are concerned with it at all, is cyclical. The world and what happens in it are devalued, except as they show forth the eternal pattern of the original creation. (see also  history, philosophy of, cyclicism)

Modern, postarchaic, or historical religions (e.g., Judaism, Christianity, Islam) show markedly other features. They tend to see a discontinuity between God and the world and to locate the sacred not in the cosmos but somewhere beyond it. Moreover, they hold to linear views of history, believing it to have a beginning and an end, with a definite goal as its climax, and to be by nature unrepeatable. Thus, the historical religions are world affirming in the double sense of believing in the reality of the world and of believing that meaning for man is worked out in the historical process. By reason of these views, the historical religions alone have been monotheistic and exclusivist in their theologies. Although Eliade outstripped his predecessors in delineating the qualities of traditional religion in particular, much of his thought was anticipated in Söderblom's descriptions of nature religion and prophetic religion.


3.2.6 Phenomenological.

All the principles thus far discussed have had reference to the classification of religions in the sense of establishing groupings among historical religious communities having certain elements in common. While attempts have been made to classify entire religions or religious communities, in recent times the interest in classifying entire religions has markedly declined, partly because of an emerging interest in the phenomenology of religion.

This new trend in studies, which has come to dominate the field, claims its origin in the phenomenological philosophy of Edmund Husserl, a German Jewish-Lutheran scholar, and has found its greatest exponents in The Netherlands. Phenomenology of religion has at least two aspects. It is first of all an effort at devising a taxonomic (classificatory) scheme that will permit the comprehensive cataloging and classifying of religious phenomena across the lines of religious communities, but it is also a method that aims at revealing the self-interpretation by religious men of their own religious responses. Phenomenology of religion thus rejects any overview of religion that would interpret religion's development as a whole, confining itself rather to the phenomena and the unfolding of their meaning for religious men. Phenomenologists are especially vigorous in repudiating the evolutionary schemes of past scholars, whom they accuse of imposing arbitrary semiphilosophical concepts in their interpretation of the history of religion. Phenomenologists also have little interest in history for its own sake, except as a preliminary stage of material gathering for the hermeneutical (critical-interpretive) task that is to follow.

One of the earliest Dutch phenomenologists, W. Brede Kristensen (1867-1953), spoke of his work as follows:

Phenomenology of Religion attempts to understand religious phenomena by classifying them into groups . . . we must group the phenomena according to characteristics which correspond as far as possible to the essential and typical elements of religion.

The material with which phenomenology is concerned is all the different types of religious thinking and action, ideas about divinity, and cultic acts. Kristensen's systematic organization of religious phenomena may be seen in the table of contents of his Meaning of Religion in which he divides his presentation of material into discussions of (1) cosmology, which includes worship of nature in the form of sky and earth deities, animal worship, totemism, and animism, (2) anthropology, made up of a variety of considerations on the nature of man, his life, and his associations in society, (3) cultus, which involves consideration of sacred places, sacred times, and sacred images, and (4) cultic acts, such as prayer, oaths and curses, and ordeals. Kristensen was not concerned with the historical development or the description of a particular religion or even a series of religions but rather with grouping the typical elements of the entire religious life, irrespective of the community in which they might occur.

Probably the best known phenomenologist is G. van der Leeuw, another Dutch scholar. In his Religion in Essence and Manifestationvan der Leeuw categorized the material of religious life under the following headings: (1) the object of religion, or that which evokes the religious response, (2) the subject of religion, in which there are three divisions: the sacred man, the sacred community, and the sacred within man, or the soul, (3) object and subject in their reciprocal operation as outward reaction and inward action, (4) the world, ways to the world, and the goals of the world, and (5) forms, which must take into account religions and the founders of religions. Van der Leeuw was not interested in grouping religious communities as such but rather in laying out the types of religious expression. He discussed distinct religions only because religion in the abstract has no existence. He classified religions according to 12 forms: (1) religion of remoteness and flight (ancient China and 18th-century deism), (2) religion of struggle (Zoroastrianism), (3) religion of repose, which has no specific historical form but is found in every religion in the form of mysticism, (4) religion of unrest or theism, which again has no specific form but is found in many religions, (5) dynamic of religions in relation to other religions (syncretism and missions), (6) dynamic of religions in terms of internal developments (revivals and reformations), (7) religion of strain and form, the first that van der Leeuw characterizes as one of the "great" forms of religion (Greece), (8) religion of infinity and of asceticism (Indian religions but excluding Buddhism), (9) religion of nothingness and compassion (Buddhism), (10) religion of will and of obedience (Israel), (11) the religion of majesty and humility (Islam), and (12) the religion of love (Christianity). The above is not a classification of religions as organized systems. Categories 3, 4, 5, and 6 relate to elements found in many if not all historical religious communities, and the categories from 7 onward are not classifications but attempts to characterize particular communities by short phrases that express what van der Leeuw considered to be their essential spirit. The "primitive" religions of less-developed peoples are not classified.


3.2.7 Other principles.

William James, the American philosopher and psychologist, in his book The Varieties of Religious Experience, differentiated two types of religion according to the attitude toward life--the religion of healthy-mindedness, which minimizes or ignores the evil of existence, and that of morbid-mindedness, which considers evil as the very essence of life. Max Weber, a German sociologist, distinguished between religions that express themselves primarily in mythopoeic ways and those that express themselves in rational forms. The distinction comes very close to that between traditional and historical religions, though its emphasis is somewhat different.

Nathan Söderblom, in his prolific scholarly career, devised several classifications other than the principal one discussed above. In his great work on primitive religions, Das Werden des Gottesglaubens ("Development of the Belief in God"), Söderblom divided religions into dynamistic, animistic, and theistic types according to the way primitive peoples apprehend the divine. In other works (Einführung in die Religionsgeschichte, or "Introduction to the History of Religion," and Thieles Kompendium der Religionsgeschichte neu bearbeitet, or "Tiele's Compendium of the History of Religion Revised") he contended that Christianity is the central point of the entire history of religions and, therefore, classified religions according to the historical order in which they came into contact with Christianity. Similarly, Albert Schweitzer, the French theologian, medical missionary, and Nobel laureate, in Christianity and the Religions of the World, grouped religions as rivals or nonrivals of Christianity. Still another scheme may be seen in Söderblom's Gifford Lectures, The Living God, in which religions were divided according to their doctrines of the relation between human and divine activity in the achievement of salvation. Thus, among higher religions there are those in which man alone is responsible for salvation (Buddhism), God alone is responsible (the Bhakti cults of India), or God and man cooperate (Christianity).

The American sociologist Robert Bellah, having in mind the advances of the social sciences in their understanding of religions, offers a refurbished and more highly sophisticated version of an evolutionary scheme that he thinks to be the most satisfactory possible in the present state of scholarly knowledge. He views religion as having passed through five stages, beginning with the primitive and proceeding through the archaic, the historical, and the early modern to the modern stage. The religious complexes that emerge in each stage of this evolution have identifiable characteristics that Bellah studies and differentiates according to the following categories: symbol systems, religious actions, religious organizations, and social implications. Two basic concepts run through Bellah's classification, providing the instruments for the division of religions along the evolutionary scale. The first is that of the increasing complexity of symbolization as one moves from the bottom to the top of the scale, and the second is that of increasing freedom of personality and society from their environing circumstances or, in other words, the growing secularization of the religious field. Bellah's classification is important because of the wide discussion it has awakened among social scientists.

One may find additional classifications based upon the content of religious ideas, the forms of religious teaching, the nature of cultus, the character of piety, the nature of the emotional involvement in religion, the character of the good toward which religions strive, and the relations of religions to the state, to art, to science, and to morality.



The classification of religions that will withstand all criticism and serve all the purposes of a general science of religions has not been devised. Each classification presented above has been attacked for its inadequacies or distortions, yet each is useful in bringing to light certain aspects of religion. Even the crudest and most subjective classifications throw into relief various aspects of religious life and thus contribute to the cause of understanding. The most fruitful approach for a student of religion appears to be that of employing a number of diverse classifications, each one for the insight it may yield. Though each may have its shortcomings, each also offers a positive contribution to the store of knowledge and its systematization. The insistence upon the exclusive validity of any single taxonomic effort must be avoided. To confine oneself to a single determined framework of thought about so rich and variegated a subject as religion is to risk the danger of missing much that is important. Classification should be viewed as a method and a tool only.

Although a perfect classification lies at present beyond scholars' grasp, certain criteria, both positive and negative in nature, may be suggested for building and judging classifications. First, classifications should not be arbitrary, subjective, or provincial. A first principle of the scientific method is that objectivity should be pursued to the extent possible and that findings should be capable of confirmation by other observers. Second, an acceptable classification should deal with the essential and typical in the religious life, not with the accidental and the unimportant. The contribution to understanding that a classification may make is in direct proportion to the penetration of the bases of religious life exhibited in its principles of division. A good classification must concern itself with the fundamentals of religion and with the most typical elements of the units it is seeking to order. Third, a proper classification should be capable of presenting both that which is common to religious forms of a given type and that which is peculiar or unique to each member of the type. Thus, no classification should ignore the concrete historical individuality of religious manifestations in favour of that which is common to them all, nor should it neglect to demonstrate the common factors that are the bases for the very distinction of types of religious experience, manifestations, and forms. Classification of religions involves both the systematic and the historical tasks of the general science of religion. Fourth, it is desirable in a classification that it demonstrate the dynamics of religious life both in the recognition that religions as living systems are constantly changing and in the effort to show, through the categories chosen, how it is possible for one religious form or manifestation to develop into another. Few errors have been more damaging to the understanding of religion than that of viewing religious systems as static and fixed, as, in effect, ahistorical. Adequate classifications should possess the flexibility to come to terms with the flexibility of religion itself. Fifth, a classification must define what exactly is to be classified. If the purpose is to develop types of religions as a whole, the questions of what constitutes a religion and what constitutes various individual religions must be asked. Since no historical manifestation of religion is known that has not exhibited an unvarying process of change, evolution, and development, these questions are far from easily solved. With such criteria in mind it should be possible continuously to construct classification schemes that illuminate man's religious history. (C.J.A.)


4 Bibliography

BIBLIOGRAPHY. JAN DE VRIES, The Study of Religion (1967), a fairly useful and brief historical survey of the development of the subject; H. PINARD DE LA BOULLAYE, L'Étude comparée des religions, 2 vol. (1922-25), a thorough and excellent account; J. MILTON YINGER, The Scientific Study of Religion (1970), an attempt to indicate the multidisciplinary approach to the study of religion; J. HASTINGS (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, 13 vol. (1908-26), dated in many respects but still enormously important; PAUL EDWARDS (ed.), Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 8 vol. (1967), many entries on world religions, doctrines, and religious thinkers; JOHN MACQUARRIE, Twentieth Century Religious Thought (1963), a survey, despite its title, of both 19th- and 20th-century thinkers, including many important in the history and phenomenology of religion (also a good general guide to issues in modern Western theology); G. VAN DER LEEUW, Phänomenologie der Religion (1933; Eng. trans., Religion in Essence and Manifestation, 1938), the most wide-ranging and ambitious attempt at a systematic and classificatory phenomenology of religion; RUDOLF OTTO, Das Heilige (1917; Eng. trans., The Idea of the Holy, 2nd ed., 1950), a highly influential classic; J. WACH, The Comparative Study of Religion (1958) and Sociology of Religion (1962), still useful compendiums; J. HINNELLS (ed.), The Comparative Study of Religion in Education (1970); MICHAEL BANTON (ed.), Anthropological Approaches to Religion (1966); E. EVANS-PRITCHARD, Theories of Primitive Religion (1965), which, with Banton, indicates the main issues about the genesis and function of religion debated by anthropologists; THOMAS O'DEA, The Sociology of Religion (1966), a useful survey; and MAX WEBER, Religionssoziologie (1922; Eng. trans., The Sociology of Religion, ed. by TALCOTT PARSONS, 1963), a good introduction to the thought of Weber. PETER BERGER, The Sacred Canopy (also published as The Social Reality of Religion, 1969), more speculative but a stimulating example of modern sociological theorizing about religion; V. LANTERNARI, The Religions of the Oppressed (1963), an example of comparative sociology of religion; and J. HICK, The Philosophy of Religion (1963), a useful survey of issues in the philosophy of religion. MIRCEA ELIADE wrote widely from a standpoint that combines elements drawn from depth psychology, phenomenology, and the history of religions: his Sacred and the Profane (1961) and The Quest (1969) give an insight into his general approach. (N.Sm.)

Two monographs dealing specifically with the classification of religions, each of which offers a survey of previous classifications in addition to the author's own scheme, are DUREN J.H. WARD, The Classification of Religions: Different Methods, Their Advantages and Disadvantages (1909); and FRED LOUIS PARRISH, The Classification of Religions: Its Relation to the History of Religions (1941), containing a full survey of classification schemes with brief characterizations of each and the best bibliographical guide for pursuing the subject in depth. Other books for further study are as follows: P.D. CHANTEPIE DE LA SAUSSAYE, Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte, 2 vol. (1887-89; Eng. trans. of vol. 1, Manual of the Science of Religion, 1891), which includes classification problems at the beginning of vol. 1; C.P. TIELE, Elements of the Science of Religion, 2 vol. (1897-99), a classic work by an important scholar on this subject; and F. MAX MUELLER, Introduction to the Science of Religion (1873), another classic work. Of more recent origin is GUSTAV MENSCHING, Die Religion: Erscheinungsformen, Strukturtypen und Lebensgesetze (1959), a popular manual of the history of religions that includes a long section on classification problems. (C.J.A.)



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