Book
III
CONTAINING
THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE YEAR.
FROM
VESPASIAN'S COMING TO SUBDUE THE JEWS TO THE TAKING OF GAMALA.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
VESPASIAN IS
SENT INTO SYRIA BY NERO IN ORDER TO MAKE WAR WITH THE JEWS.
1. WHEN Nero was informed of the Romans' ill
success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such
cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry,
and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the
commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who
bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now
pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents
whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the
solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again].
2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should
commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might
be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same
distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also, - he found no one but
Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a
war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth
had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago
pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into
disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms,
which had been little known before (1)
whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him
without any sweat or labor of his own.
3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as
favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian's age gave him sure experience, and
great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself,
and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under
their father's prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of
Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian's being himself emperor
afterwards. Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon him the command of the
armies that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering
compellations, such as necessity required, and such as might mollify him into
complaisance. So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been
with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and. the
tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by
land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, with a
considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighborhood.
A GREAT SLAUGHTER ABOUT
ASCALON. VESPASIAN COMES TO PTOLEMAIS.
1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten Cestius,
were so much elevated with their unexpected success, that they could not govern
their zeal, but, like people blown up into a flame by their good fortune,
carried the war to remoter places. Accordingly, they presently got together a
great multitude of all their most hardy soldiers, and marched away for Ascalon.
This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty
furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined
to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as
near as possible. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of
them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Persite, Silas of
Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strongly walled
about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the
garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose
captain was Antonius.
2. These Jews, therefore, out of their anger,
marched faster than ordinary, and, as if they had come but a little way,
approached very near the city, and were come even to it; but Antonius, who was
not unapprized of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his
horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude, nor at the
courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when
they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off. Now the Jews were unskillful
in war, but were to fight with those who were skillful therein; they were
footmen to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were
united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were completely so;
they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to
soldiers that were exactly obedient; and did every thing they were bidden upon
the least intimation. So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their
first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy's
cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall fell
upon their own party's weapons, and became one another's enemies; and this so
long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and
were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the
horsemen; which circumstance was very commodious for the Romans, and occasioned
the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they
could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back
after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a
vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove
them before them whithersoever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with
their arrows; and the great number there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to
themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such
good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the
greater multitude. And as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes,
out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success,
so did the latter feel no weariness by reason of their good fortune; insomuch
that the fight lasted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews' side
lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas, and the greater part of
the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away
together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the Romans
were wounded in this battle.
3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken
by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their
resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under
their feet, they were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a
second destruction; so when they had lain still so little a while that their
wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and
came with greater fury, and in much greater numbers, to Ascalon. But their
former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and
other deficiencies in war; for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages
they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where
they were encompassed about with horsemen, before they could form themselves
into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thousand of them slain;
so all the rest of them ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great
many bold exploits in his flight. However, they were driven along together by
the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to
a village called Bezedeh However, Antonius and his party, that they might
neither spend any considerable time about this tower, which was hard to be
taken, nor suffer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to
escape from them, they set the wall on fire; and as the tower was burning, the
Romans went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed;
but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part
of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the
ground to those that with great lamentation were searching for him, in order to
give him a decent funeral; and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with
an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God's providence to be their
commander for the time to come.
4. And now Vespasian took along with him his
army from Antioch, (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute
deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the
Roman empire, (2) both in
magnitude, and other marks of prosperity,) where he found king Agrippa, with all
his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. At this city also
the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the
Romans. These citizens had beforehand taken care of their own safety, and being
sensible of the power of the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gallus before
Vespasian came, and had given their faith to him, and received the security of
his right hand, and had received a Roman garrison; and at this time withal they
received Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly, and readily promised that
they would assist him against their own countrymen. Now the general delivered
them, at their desire, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient to
oppose the incursions of the Jews, if they should come against them. And indeed
the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now
beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by
nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation's [fidelity to
the Romans].
A
DESCRIPTION OP GALILEE, SAMARIA, AND JUDEA.
1. NOW Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the
Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are
bounded toward the sun-setting, with the borders of the territory belonging to
Ptolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans,
but now belonged to the Tyrians; to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called
the City of Horsemen, because those horsemen that were dismissed by Herod
the king dwelt therein; they are bounded on the south with Samaria and
Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east with Hippeae and Gadaris,
and also with Ganlonitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa; its
northern parts are hounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that
Galilee which is called the Lower, it, extends in length from Tiberias to
Zabulon, and of the maritime places Ptolemais is its neighbor; its breadth is
from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as
Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as
far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it; its
length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan.
2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness,
and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have been always able to
make a strong resistance on all occasions of war; for the Galileans are inured
to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the
country been ever destitute of men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them;
for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of
trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in
its cultivation, by its fruitfulness; accordingly, it is all cultivated by its
inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very
thick, and the very many villages there are here are every where so full of
people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above
fifteen thousand inhabitants.
3. In short, if any one will suppose that
Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it
before it in its strength; for this is all capable of cultivation, and is every
where fruitful; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the
greater part of it is desert and rough, and much less disposed for the
production of the milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil [in other
parts], and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees
of all sorts, while yet the olive tree, the vine, and the palm tree are chiefly
cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out
of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the
torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Now the length of Perea is from
Macherus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan; its northern
parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its Western with
Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to
Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa.
4. Now as to the country of Samaria, it lies
between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain
called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same
nature with Judea; for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are
moist enough for agriculture, and are very fruitful. They have abundance of
trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that
which is the effect of cultivation. They are not naturally watered by many
rivers, but derive their chief moisture from rain-water, of which they have no
want; and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceeding
sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more
milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency
and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people.
5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the
village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of
Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be measured lengthways, are bounded
by a Village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call
it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa. The
city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with
sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea
destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places
extend as far as Ptolemais: it was parted into eleven portions, of which the
royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring
country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were
inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; Gophna was the
second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and
Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and
Jericho; and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighboring
people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulonitis, and
Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the kingdom of Agrippa. This
[last] country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jordan, and reaches
breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a village
called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and
Syrians. And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of
Judea, and those that lie round about it.
JOSEPHUS
MAKES AN ATTEMPT UPON SEPPHORIS BUT IS REPELLED. TITUS COMES WITH A
GREAT ARMY TO PTOLEMAIS.
1. NOW the auxiliaries which were sent to assist
the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand horsemen, and six thousand footmen,
under Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in two bodies in the great plain.
The foot were put into the city to be a guard to it, but the horse lodged abroad
in the camp. These last, by marching continually one way or other, and
overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to
Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the
city's liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad. On this account it was
that Josephus marched against the city, as hoping to take what he had lately
encompassed with so strong a wall, before they revolted from the rest of the
Galileans, that the Romans would have much ado to take it; by which means he
proved too weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to the forcing the place, and
as to his prevailing with the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him. By
this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of
war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off,
either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, and stealing away
the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of
fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity; so
that Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood; nor was it exempted from
any kind of misery or calamity, for the only refuge they had was this, that when
they were pursued, they could retire to the cities which had walls built them by
Josephus.
2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from Achaia
to Alexandria, and that sooner than the winter season did usually permit; so he
took with him those forces he was sent for, and marching with great expedition,
he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his father, together with the
two legions, the fifth and the tenth, which were the most eminent legions of
all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion which was with his father; eighteen
cohorts followed these legions; there came also five cohorts from Cesarea, with
one troop of horsemen, and five other troops of horsemen from Syria. Now these
ten cohorts had severally a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen cohorts had
no more than six hundred footmen apiece, with a hundred and twenty horsemen.
There were also a considerable number of auxiliaries got together, that came
from the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohemus, each of them contributing
one thousand footmen that were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus also,
the king of Arabia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five thousand footmen, the
greatest part of which were archers; so that the whole army, including the
auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well horsemen as footmen, when all were united
together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides the servants, who, as they
followed in vast numbers, so because they had been trained up in war with the
rest, ought not to be distinguished from the fighting men; for as they were in
their masters' service in times of peace, so did they undergo the like dangers
with them in times of war, insomuch that they were inferior to none, either in
skill or in strength, only they were subject to their masters.
A
DESCRIPTION OF THE ROMAN ARMIES AND ROMAN CAMPS AND OF OTHER PARTICULARS
FOR WHICH THE ROMANS ARE COMMENDED.
1. NOW here one cannot but admire at the
precaution of the Romans, in providing themselves of such household servants, as
might not only serve at other times for the common offices of life, but might
also be of advantage to them in their wars. And, indeed, if any one does but
attend to the other parts of their military discipline, he will be forced to
confess that their obtaining so large a dominion hath been the acquisition of
their valor, and not the bare gift of fortune; for they do not begin to use
their weapons first in time of war, nor do they then put their hands first into
motion, while they avoided so to do in times of peace; but, as if their weapons
did always cling to them, they have never any truce from warlike exercises; nor
do they stay till times of war admonish them to use them; for their military
exercises differ not at all from the real use of their arms, but every soldier
is every day exercised, and that with great diligence, as if it were in time of
war, which is the reason why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily; for
neither can any disorder remove them from their usual regularity, nor can fear
affright them out of it, nor can labor tire them; which firmness of conduct
makes them always to overcome those that have not the same firmness; nor would
he be mistaken that should call those their exercises unbloody battles, and
their battles bloody exercises. Nor can their enemies easily surprise them with
the suddenness of their incursions; for as soon as they have marched into an
enemy's land, they do not begin to fight till they have walled their camp about;
nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do they all abide ill
it, nor do those that are in it take their places at random; but if it happens
that the ground is uneven, it is first leveled: their camp is also four-square
by measure, and carpenters are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to
erect their buildings for them. (3)
2. As for what is within the camp, it is set
apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall,
and is adorned with towers at equal distances, where between the towers stand
the engines for throwing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and where
they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several
operations. They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circumference,
and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for
making excursions, if occasion should require. They divide the camp within into
streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle;
but in the very midst of all is the general's own tent, in the nature of a
temple, insomuch, that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its
market-place, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers
superior and inferior, where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard
and determined. The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall
round about, and that sooner than one would imagine, and this by the multitude
and the skill of the laborers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn round
the whole, whose depth is four cubits, and its breadth equal.
3. When they have thus secured themselves, they
live together by companies, with quietness and decency, as are all their other
affairs managed with good order and security. Each company hath also their wood,
and their corn, and their water brought them, when they stand in need of them;
for they neither sup nor dine as they please themselves singly, but all
together. Their times also for sleeping, and watching, and rising are notified
beforehand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any thing done without such a
signal; and in the morning the soldiery go every one to their centurions, and
these centurions to their tribunes, to salute them; with whom all the superior
officers go to the general of the whole army, who then gives them of course the
watchword and other orders, to be by them cared to all that are under their
command; which is also observed when they go to fight, and thereby they turn
themselves about on the sudden, when there is occasion for making sallies, as
they come back when they are recalled in crowds also.
4. Now when they are to go out of their camp,
the trumpet gives a sound, at which time nobody lies still, but at the first
intimation they take down their tents, and all is made ready for their going
out; then do the trumpets sound again, to order them to get ready for the march;
then do they lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules, and other beasts of
burden, and stand, as at the place of starting, ready to march; when also they
set fire to their camp, and this they do because it will be easy for them to
erect another camp, and that it may not ever be of use to their enemies. Then do
the trumpets give a sound the third time, that they are to go out, in order to
excite those that on any account are a little tardy, that so no one may be out
of his rank when the army marches. Then does the crier stand at the general's
right hand, and asks them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they be now ready
to go out to war or not? To which they reply as often, with a loud and cheerful
voice, saying, "We are ready." And this they do almost before the
question is asked them: they do this as filled with a kind of martial fury, and
at the same time that they so cry out, they lift up their right hands also.
5. When, after this, they are gone out of their
camp, they all march without noise, and in a decent manner, and every one keeps
his own rank, as if they were going to war. The footmen are armed with
breastplates and head-pieces, and have swords on each side; but the sword which
is upon their left side is much longer than the other, for that on the right
side is not longer than a span. Those foot-men also that are chosen out from the
rest to be about the general himself have a lance and a buckler, but the rest of
the foot soldiers have a spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a basket, a
pick-axe and an axe, a thong of leather and a hook, with provisions for three
days, so that a footman hath no great need of a mule to carry his burdens. The
horsemen have a long sword on their right sides, axed a long pole in their hand;
a shield also lies by them obliquely on one side of their horses, with three or
more darts that are borne in their quiver, having broad points, and not smaller
than spears. They have also head-pieces and breastplates, in like manner as have
all the footmen. And for those that are chosen to be about the general, their
armor no way differs from that of the horsemen belonging to other troops; and he
always leads the legions forth to whom the lot assigns that employment.
6. This is the manner of the marching and
resting of the Romans, as also these are the several sorts of weapons they use.
But when they are to fight, they leave nothing without forecast, nor to be done
off-hand, but counsel is ever first taken before any work is begun, and what
hath been there resolved upon is put in execution presently; for which reason
they seldom commit any errors; and if they have been mistaken at any time, they
easily correct those mistakes. They also esteem any errors they commit upon
taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to
fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be
inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath
this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; but for the
advantages that arise from chance, they are not owing to him that gains them;
and as to what melancholy accidents happen unexpectedly, there is this comfort
in them, that they had however taken the best consultations they could to
prevent them.
7. Now they so manage their preparatory
exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies of the soldiers only, but their
souls may also become stronger: they are moreover hardened for war by fear; for
their laws inflict capital punishments, not only for soldiers running away from
the ranks, but for slothfulness and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser
degree; as are their generals more severe than their laws, for they prevent any
imputation of cruelty toward those under condemnation, by the great rewards they
bestow on the valiant soldiers; and the readiness of obeying their commanders is
so great, that it is very ornamental in peace; but when they come to a battle,
the whole army is but one body, so well coupled together are their ranks, so
sudden are their turnings about, so sharp their hearing as to what orders are
given them, so quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nimble are their hands
when they set to work; whereby it comes to pass that what they do is done
quickly, and what they suffer they bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we
find any examples where they have been conquered in battle, when they came to a
close fight, either by the multitude of the enemies, or by their stratagems, or
by the difficulties in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune neither, for
their victories have been surer to them than fortune could have granted them. In
a case, therefore, where counsel still goes before action, and where, after
taking the best advice, that advice is followed by so active an army, what
wonder is it that Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fertile
regions of Libya on the south, and the Danube and the Rhine on the north, are
the limits of this empire? One might well say that the Roman possessions are not
inferior to the Romans themselves.
8. This account I have given the reader, not so
much with the intention of commending the Romans, as of comforting those that
have been conquered by them, and for the deterring others from attempting
innovations under their government. This discourse of the Roman military conduct
may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet
have a mind to know it. I return now from this digression.
PLACIDUS
ATTEMPTS TO TAKE JOTAPATA AND IS BEATEN OFF. VESPASIAN MARCHES INTO
GALILEE.
1. AND now Vespasian, with his son Titus, had
tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had put his army in order. But when
Placidus, who had overrun Galilee, and had besides slain a number of those whom
he had caught, (which were only the weaker part of the Galileans, and such as
were of timorous souls,) saw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose
walls had been built by Josephus, he marched furiously against Jotapata, which
was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden
surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honor to himself among the
commanders, and bring a great advantage to them in their future campaign;
because if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be
so aftrighted as to surrender themselves. But he was mightily mistaken in his
undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprized of his coming to attack them,
and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans
briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for
fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteeming their country, their wives, and
their children to be in danger, and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded
many of them, and slew seven of them; (4)
because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, be-cause the strokes
only touched the surface of their bodies, which were covered with their armor in
all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a
great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light
armor on, while the others were completely armed. However, three men of the
Jews' side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to
assault the city, ran away.
2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to fall
upon Galilee, he marched out of Ptolemais, having put his army into that order
wherein the Romans used to march. He ordered those auxiliaries which were
lightly armed, and the archers, to march first, that they might prevent any
sudden insults from the enemy, and might search out the woods that looked
suspiciously, and were capable of ambuscades. Next to these followed that part
of the Romans which was completely armed, both footmen ,and horsemen. Next to
these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying along with them their arms,
and what was necessary to measure out a camp withal; and after them, such as
were to make the road even and straight, and if it were any where rough and hard
to be passed over, to plane it, and to cut down the woods that hindered their
march, that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their march. Behind
these he set such carriages of the army as belonged both to himself and to the
other commanders, with a considerable number of their horsemen for their
security. After these he marched himself, having with him a select body of
footmen, and horsemen, and pikemen. After these came the peculiar cavalry of his
own legion, for there were a hundred and twenty horsemen that peculiarly
belonged to every legion. Next to these came the mules that carried the engines
for sieges, and the other warlike machines of that nature. After these came the
commanders of the cohorts and tribunes, having about them soldiers chosen out of
the rest. Then came the ensigns encompassing the eagle, which is at the head of
every Roman legion, the king, and the strongest of all birds, which seems to
them a signal of dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer all against whom
they march; these sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then came the
main army in their squadrons and battalions, with six men in depth, which were
followed at last by a centurion, who, according to custom, observed the rest. As
for the servants of every legion, they all followed the footmen, and led the
baggage of the soldiers, which was borne by the mules and other beasts of
burden. But behind all the legions carne the whole multitude of the mercenaries;
and those that brought up the rear came last of all for the security of the
whole army, being both footmen, and those in their armor also, with a great
number of horsemen.
3. And thus did Vespasian march with his army,
and came to the bounds of Galileo, where he pitched his camp and restrained his
soldiers, who were eager for war; he also showed his army to the enemy, in order
to affright them, and to afford them a season for repentance, to see whether
they would change their minds before it came to a battle, and at the same time
he got things ready for besieging their strong minds. And indeed this sight of
the general brought many to repent of their revolt, and put them all into a
consternation; for those that were in Josephus's camp, which was at the city
called Garis, not far from Sepphoris, when they heard that the war was come near
them, and that the Romans would suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed
themselves and fled, not only before they came to a battle, but before the enemy
ever came in sight, while Josephus and a few others were left behind; and as he
saw that he had not an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that the spirits of
the Jews were sunk, and that the greater part would willingly come to terms, if
they might be credited, he already despaired of the success of the whole war,
and determined to get as far as he possibly could out of danger; so he took
those that staid along with him, and fled to Tiberias.
VESPASIAN,
WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY GADAEA MARCHES TO JOTAPATA. AFTER A LONG
SIEGE THE CITY IS BETRAYED BY A DESERTER, AND TAKEN BY VESPASIAN.
1. SO Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and
took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable
number of men grown up and fit for war. He came then into it, and slew all the
youth, the Romans having no mercy on any age whatsoever; and this was done out
of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the iniquity they had been
guilty of in the affair of Cestius. He also set fire not only to the city
itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of
them were quite destitute of inhabitants, and out of some of them he carried the
inhabitants as slaves into captivity.
2. As to Josephus, his retiring to that city
which he chose as the most fit for his security, put it into great fear; for the
people of Tiberias did not imagine that he would have run away, unless he had
entirely despaired of the success of the war. And indeed, as to that point, they
were not mistaken about his opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the Jews
would tend at last, and was sensible that they had but one way of escaping, and
that was by repentance. However, although he expected that the Romans would
forgive him, yet did he chose to die many times over, rather than to betray his
country, and to dishonor that supreme command of the army which had been
intrusted with him, or to live happily under those against whom he was sent to
fight. He determined, therefore, to give an exact account of affairs to the
principal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he might not, by too much
aggrandizing the power of the enemy, make them too timorous; nor, by relating
that their power beneath the truth, might encourage them to stand out when they
were perhaps disposed to repentance. He also sent them word, that if they
thought of coming to terms, they must suddenly write him an answer; or if they
resolved upon war, they must send him an army sufficient to fight the Romans.
Accordingly, he wrote these things, and sent messengers immediately to carry his
letter to Jerusalem.
3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of
demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelligence that the greatest part of
the enemy had retired thither, and that it was, on other accounts, a place of
great security to them. Accordingly, he sent both foot-men and horsemen to level
the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled
over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen. Now these workmen
accomplished what they were about in four days' time, and opened a broad way for
the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius,
(Jyar,) Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata,
and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter told this
good news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made
him make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take
all Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power. So he took
this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought
about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man
of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure
custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a
decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to
encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately.
4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took his
whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived
then at Jotapata; and bringing his army to the northern side of the city, he
pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven furlongs from the city,
and still greatly endeavored to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a
consternation; which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one
of them durst go out beyond the wall. Yet did the Romans put off the attack at
that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double
row of battalions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole,
which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit; which
thing making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for
nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as necessity.
5. Now when the next day an assault was made by
the Romans, the Jews at first staid out of the walls and opposed them, and met
them, as having formed themselves a camp before the city walls. But when
Vespasian had set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude
that could throw to a great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he
himself, with the footmen, got upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily
be taken. Josephus was then in fear for the city, and leaped out, and all the
Jewish multitude with him; these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers,
and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold
actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer; for as
despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally
encourage the Romans. These last had skill as well as strength; the other had
only courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously. And when the
fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night.
They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of
the Jews' side seventeen were slain, and six hundred wounded.
6. On the next day the Jews made another attack
upon the Romans, and went out of the walls and fought a much more desperate
battle with them titan before. For they were now become more courageous than
formerly, and that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had made
the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately; for a
sense of shame inflamed these into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a
sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. Thus did the Romans try to make an
impression upon the Jews till the fifth day continually, while the people of
Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were
the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans
discouraged at the difficulties they met with in taking the city.
7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built on a
precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep
and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail
them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north
side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends
obliquely at a plain. This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he
fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by
the enemies. The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way
be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of
Jotapata.
8. Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how he
might overcome the natural strength of the place, as well as the bold defense of
the Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege with vigor. To that end he
called the commanders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted
with them which way the assault might be managed to the best advantage. And when
the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall
which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials
together. So when they had cut down all the trees on the mountains that adjoined
to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones, besides the wood
they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects
of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over
their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or
nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall, while others
pulled the neighboring hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to
them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle.
However, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which
protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not
reach them was yet so terrible, that it was some impediment to the workmen.
9. Vespasian then set the engines for throwing
stones and darts round about the city. The number of the engines was in all a
hundred and sixty, and bid them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon
the wall. At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose threw
at once lances upon them with a great noise, and stones of the weight of a
talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpose, together
with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous,
that the Jews durst not only not come upon it, but durst not come to those parts
within the walls which were reached by the engines; for the multitude of the
Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones,
fell to work at the same time with the engines. Yet did not the otters lie
still, when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they
then made sallies out of the city, like private robbers, by parties, and pulled
away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus
naked; and when those workmen gave way, these cast away the earth that composed
the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it, together with the hurdles, till at
length Vespasian perceived that the intervals there were between the works were
of disadvantage to him; for those spaces of ground afforded the Jews a place for
assaulting the Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at the same time joined one
part of the army to the other, which prevented the private excursions of the
Jews.
10. And when the bank was now raised, and
brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus
thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in
opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city's preservation; so he got
together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; and while they
said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at
them, he invented this sort of cover for them: He bid them fix piles, and expand
before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and
hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for
that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be
quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen,
and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the
wall higher, and that both by day and by night, fill it was twenty cubits high.
He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong
battlements. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were
already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at
Josephus's contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the
city.
11. And now Vespasian was plainly irritated at
the great subtlety of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of
Jotapata; for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh
sallies upon the Romans, and had every day conflicts with them by parties,
together with all such contrivances, as robbers make use of, and with the
plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the
other works; and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and
resolved to lie round the city, and to starve them into a surrender, as
supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of
provisions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last, they
should perish by famine: and he concluded he should conquer them the more easily
in fighting, if he gave them an interval, and then fell upon them when they were
weakened by famine; but still he gave orders that they should guard against
their coming out of the city.
12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn within
the city, and indeed of all necessaries, but they wanted water, because there
was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain
water; yet is it a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer, and at
this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contrivance
to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if
they were already in want of water entirely, for Josephus seeing that the city
abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and
being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected,
ordered their drink to be given them by measure; but this scanty distribution of
water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want
of it; and their not being able to drink as much as they would made them more
desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were as much
disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were
the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in, for when they stood over
against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking
their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither the place
being within their reach, and kill a great many of them.
13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their
receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be
forced to deliver up the city to him; but Josephus being minded to break such
his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and
hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all
wet with the running down of the water. At this sight the Romans were
discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in
sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink
themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want
of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to
surrender, which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of
either themselves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in
battle before one by hunger and thirst.
14. However, Josephus contrived another
stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty of what they wanted. There was a
certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that
account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons
along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he
pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what
necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance; he enjoined them also
to creep generally along by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover
their backs with such sheep-skins as had their wool upon them, that if any one
should spy them out in the night time, they might be believed to be dogs. This
was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and encompassed that rough
place about themselves.
15. And now it was that Josephus perceived that
the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he
continued in it; so he consulted how he and the most potent men of the city
might fly out of it. When the multitude understood this, they came all round
about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely depended
on him, and him alone; for that there was still hope of the city's deliverance,
if he would stay with them, because every body would undertake any pains with
great cheerfulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort
for them also, though they should be taken: that it became him neither to fly
from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as
out of a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet
and in a calm; for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the
city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once
gone, upon whom they wholly confided.
16. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting them know
that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he
would go out of the city for their sakes; for that if he staid with them, he
should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe condition; and
that if they were once taken, he should only perish with them to no purpose; but
that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring
them very great relief; for that he would then immediately get the Galileans
together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their
city by another war. That he did not see what advantge he could bring to them
now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more
closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they
were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of
their eagerness against it. Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed
them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men,
and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before
him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast, and besought
him, with great lamentations, that he would take his share with them in their
fortune; and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but
that they hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any
great misfortune, provided Josephus would but stay with them.
17. Now Josephus thought, that if he resolved to
stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by
force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under
their lamentations had much broken that his eagerness to leave them; so he
resolved to stay, and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he
said to them, "Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is
no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life,
and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late
posterity." Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a
sally, and dispersed the enemies' out-guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp
itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents to pieces, that were upon their
banks, and set fire to their works. And this was the manner in which he never
left off fighting, neither the next day, nor the day after it, but went on with
it for a considerable number of both days and nights.
18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans
distressed by these sallies, (though they were ashamed to be made to run away by
the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armor
would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any
action, and before they could be hurt themselves, still retired into the city,)
ordered his armed men to avoid their onset, and not fight it out with men under
desperation, while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their
violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire
is quenched when it wants fuel; and that it was proper for the Romans to gain
their victories as cheap as they could, since they are not forced to fight, but
only to enlarge their own dominions. So he repelled the Jews in great measure by
the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at
them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive
engines. Now the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to
escape from them; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great
way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans,
and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succoring
another by turns, when it was tired down.
19. When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon
himself as in a manner besieged by these sallies of the Jews, and when his banks
were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram.
This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship, its forepart
is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to
be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken. This ram is slung in the
air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of
scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of
it, in the nature of a cross. When this ram is pulled backward by a great number
of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty
noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent. Nor is there
any tower so strong, or walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first
batteries, but all are forced to yield to it at last. This was the experiment
which the Roman general betook himself to, when he was eagerly bent upon taking
the city; but found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage,
because the Jews would never let him be quiet. So these Romans brought the
several engines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach
such as were upon the wall, and endeavored to frustrate their attempts; these
threw stones and javelins at them; in the like manner did the archers and
slingers come both together closer to the wall. This brought matters to such a
pass that none of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then it was that the other
Romans brought the battering ram that was cased with hurdles all over, and in
the tipper part was secured by skins that covered it, and this both for the
security of themselves and of the engine. Now, at the very first stroke of this
engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamor was raised by the people
within the city, as if they were already taken.
20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram still
battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it,
he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine. With this design he
gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place
where they saw the ram always battering, that the stroke might be turned aside,
or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the
chaff. This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, because,
let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it
removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch
that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the
Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their
ends, cut off the sacks. Now when the battering ram thus recovered its force,
and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Josephus and those
about him had afterward immediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves withal;
whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a
sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks
of the Romans themselves; nor did the Romans well know how to come to their
assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews' boldness, and being
prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the materials being
dry with the bitumen and pitch that were among them, as was brimstone also, the
fire caught hold of every thing immediately, and what cost the Romans a great
deal of pains was in one hour consumed.
21. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of
our relation and commendation; he was the son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar,
and was born at Saab, in Galilee. This man took up a stone of a vast bigness,
and threw it down from the wall upon the ram, and this with so great a force,
that it broke off the head of the engine. He also leaped down, and took up the
head of the ram from the midst of them, and without any concern carried it to
the top of the wall, and this while he stood as a fit mark to he pelted by all
his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was
wounded with five darts; nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top
of the wall, where he stood in the sight of them all, as an instance of the
greatest boldness; after which he drew himself on a heap with his wounds upon
him, and fell down together with the head of the ram. Next to him, two brothers
showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the
village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also; these men leaped upon the
soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and
force as to disorder their ranks, and to put to flight all upon whomsoever they
made their assaults.
22. After these men's performances, Josephus,
and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt
both the machines and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth and
to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others followed them
immediately, and buried those instruments and all their materials under ground.
However, about the evening, the Romans erected the battering ram again, against
that part of the wall which had suffered before; where a certain Jew that
defended the city from the Romans hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and
wounded him a little, the distance being so great, that no mighty impression
could be made by the dart thrown so far off. However, this caused the greatest
disorder among the Romans; for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they
were disturbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the
general was wounded, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running
together with surprise and fear to the general; and before them all came Titus,
out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in
great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by
reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to
the son's fear, and to the disorder the army was under, for being superior to
his pains, and endeavoring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright
about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now every body
was willing to expose himself to danger immediately, in order to avenge their
general; and then they encouraged one another with loud voices, and ran hastily
to the walls.
23. But still Josephus and those with him,
although they fell down dead one upon another by the darts and stones which the
engines threw upon them, yet did not they desert the wall, but fell upon those
who managed the ram, under the protection of the hurdles, with fire, and iron
weapons, and stones; and these could do little or nothing, but fell themselves
perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see, for the
light of their own flame shone about them, and made them a most visible mark to
the enemy, as they were in the day time, while the engines could not be seen at
a great distance, and so what was thrown at them was hard to be avoided; for the
force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at
a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so
great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the
corners of the towers; for no body of men could be so strong as not to be
overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones. And any one may
learn the force of the engines by what happened this very night; for as one of
those that stood round about Josephus was near the wall, his head was carried
away by such a stone, and his skull was flung as far as three furlongs. In the
day time also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was
just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of half
a furlong, so great was the force of that engine. The noise of the instruments
themselves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown
by them was so also; of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when
they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamor which
these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the
same time by the cries of such as were slain; while the whole space of ground
whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over
by the bodies of the dead carcasses; the mountains also contributed to increase
the noise by their echoes; nor was there on that night any thing of terror
wanting that could either affect the hearing or the sight: yet did a great part
of those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall manfully, as were a great part of
them wounded. However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the
machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission.
However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works
over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by
which the Romans were to ascend into the city.
24. In the morning Vespasian got his army
together, in order to take the city [by storm], after a little recreation upon
the hard pains they had been at the night before; and as he was desirous to draw
off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down,
he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed
them in three ranks over against those ruins of the wall, but covered with their
armor on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin
their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid; behind them
he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered
them to extend themselves over against the wall, upon the whole hilly country,
in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken;
and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to have
their darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to
those that managed the engines, and bid them to take up other ladders, and have
them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that
the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and
leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them
should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an
entrance into the city.
25. But Josephus, understanding the meaning of
Vespasian's contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired
out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters,
but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down,
and before them all six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the
first and greatest danger. He also gave orders, that when the legions made a
shout, they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and
that, to avoid the multitude of the enemy's darts, they should bend down on
their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should
retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied
their quivers; but that When the Romans should lay their instruments for
ascending the walls, they should leap out on the sudden, and with their own
instruments should meet the enemy, and that every one should strive to do his
best, in order not to defend his own city, as if it were possible to be
preserved, but in order to revenge it, when it was already destroyed; and that
they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their
children and wives were to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they
would beforehand spend all their fury, on account of the calamities just coming
upon them, and pour it out on the actors.
26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both his
bodies of men; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and
children, when they saw their city encompassed by a threefold army, (for none of
the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed,) when they also
saw, not only the walls thrown down, but their enemies with swords in their
hands, as also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, d the
darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable
outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but
actually come upon them already. But Josephus ordered the women to be shut up in
their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too
effeminate, by making them commiserate their condition, and commanded them to
hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself
before the breach, where his allotment was; for all those who brought ladders to
the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower
of arrows that was coming.
27. And now the trumpeters of the several Roman
legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as
by order, flew so last, that they intercepted the light. However, Josephus's men
remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds,
and covered their bodies against the darts; and as to the engines that were set
ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have
used them were gotten upon them. And now, on the ascending of the soldiers,
there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were
exhibited; while the Jews did earnestly endeavor, in the extreme danger they
were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger,
fought so stoutly against them; nor did they leave struggling with the Romans
till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists. But the
Jews grew weary with defending themselves continually, and had not enough to
come in their places, and succor them; while, on the side of the Romans, fresh
men still succeeded those that were tired; and still new men soon got upon the
machines for ascent, in the room of those that were thrust down; those
encouraging one another, and joining side to side with their shields, which were
a protection to them, they became a body of men not to be broken; and as this
band thrust away the Jews, as though they were themselves but one body, they
began already to get upon the wall.
28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his
counselor in this utmost distress, (which necessity is very sagacious in
invention when it is irritated by despair,) and gave orders to pour scalding oil
upon those whose shields protected them. Whereupon they soon got it ready, being
many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and
poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels
as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: this so burnt the Romans,
that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled clown from the wall with
horrid pains, for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot,
under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat
and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; and as the men
were cooped up in their head-pieces and breastplates, they could no way get free
from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as
they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten
back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were
easily wounded by those that were behind them.
29. However, in this ill success of the Romans,
their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them;
for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable
condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon
them; while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that
hindered him from exerting himself; and while the Jews made use of another
stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards,
in order to make them slip and fall down; by which means neither could those
that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but
some of them fell backward upon the machines on which they ascended, and were
trodden upon; many of them fell down upon the bank they had raised, and when
they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not
keep their feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand to hand, had leisure to
throw their darts at them. So the general called off those soldiers in the
evening that had suffered so sorely, of whom the number of the slain was not a
few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata
no more than six men were killed, although more than three hundred were carried
off wounded. This fight happened on the twentieth day of the month Desius
[Sivan].
30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on
occasion of what happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather wanting
somewhat to do than any further exhortations, he gave orders to raise the banks
still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they
should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both
firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire. These towers he
set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows,
with the lighter engines for throwing stones and darts also; and besides these,
he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers, who not being to be seen
by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected
them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were
easily seen by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those
darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those
whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so
great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and
that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they
ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those
that shot at them. And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, while
a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort
the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without
danger to themselves.
31. About this time it was that Vespasian sent
out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that
desired innovations, and was puffed up with the unexpected length of the
opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and
to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen. When
Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural
strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw
the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined
battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after
them; and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed them so closely,
that they fell in together with them: but when the Jews were endeavoring to get
again within their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, as being
afraid that the Romans would force themselves in with them. It was certainly God
therefore who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose
the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their
bloody enemies; for they fell upon the gates in great crowds, and earnestly
calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they
their throats cut in the very midst of their supplications; for the enemy shut
the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates of the
second, so they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers
together; many of them were run through by swords of their own men, and many by
their own swords, besides an immense number that were slain by the Romans. Nor
had they any courage to revenge themselves; for there was added to the
consternation they were in from the enemy, their being betrayed by their own
friends, which quite broke their spirits; and at last they died, cursing not the
Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number
twelve thousand. So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could
fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they
would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking
of the city to the general. Accordingly, he sent messengers to Vespasian, and
desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained. Vespasian
hereupon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with
an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen. So he came quickly
to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while
he had the right himself, and led them to the siege: and when the soldiers
brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed
them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls. Then did
Titus's men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those
that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them;
for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women
threw whatsoever came next to hand at them, and sustained a fight with them for
six hours' time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude
had their throats cut, partly in the open air, and partly in their own houses,
both young and old together. So there were no males now remaining, besides
infants, which, with the women, were carried as slaves into captivity; so that
the number of the slain, both now in the city and at the former fight, was
fifteen thousand, and the captives were two thousand one hundred and thirty.
This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius
[Sivan.]
32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of
misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon file
mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they
remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they
showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; nor were they rendered wiser by
the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also,
notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable
manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon
its first appearance. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their
motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all
Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that
were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear
what they would be at; he therefore sent I thither Cerealis, the commander of
the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, who did
not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many
of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the
lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. Now it
happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed
with a violent heat, (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided
themselves with necessaries,) insomuch that some of them died that very day with
heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was,
and fled to the Romans; by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid
there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain,
and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place,
exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with
him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down
their arms, he would secure them from any harm; but when he could not prevail
with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand
and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius
[Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time.
33. But as the people of Jotapata still held out
manfully, and bore up tinder their miseries beyond all that could be hoped for,
on the forty-seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up by the Romans were
become higher than the wall; on which day a certain deserter went to Vespasian,
and told him how few were left in the city, and how weak they were, and that
they had been so worn out with perpetual watching, and as perpetual fighting,
that they could not now oppose any force that came against them, and that they
might he taken by stratagem, if any one would attack them; for that about the
last watch of the night, when they thought they might have some rest from the
hardships they were under, and when a morning sleep used to come upon them, as
they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch used to fall asleep; accordingly
his advice was, that they should make their attack at that hour. But Vespasian
had a suspicion about this deserter, as knowing how faithful the Jews were to
one another, and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted
on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts
of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies
in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the
city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them. However, the probability there
was in the relation itself did partly confirm the truth of what the deserter
told them, and they thought he might probably speak truth. However, Vespasian
thought they should be no great sufferers if the report was a sham; so he
commanded them to keep the man in custody, and prepared the army for taking the
city.
34. According to which resolution they marched
without noise, at the hour that had been told them, to the wall; and it was
Titus himself that first got upon it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius
Sabinus, and had a few of the fifteenth legion along with him. So they cut the
throats of the watch, and entered the city very quietly. After these came
Cerealis the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those that were tinder them. Now
when the citadel was taken, and the enemy were in the very midst of the city,
and when it was already day, yet was not the taking of the city known by those
that held it; for a great many of them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which
then by chance fell upon the city, hindered those that got up from distinctly
seeing the case they were in, till the whole Roman army was gotten in, and they
were raised up only to find the miseries they were under; and as they were
slaying, they perceived the city was taken. And for the Romans, they so well
remembered what they had suffered during the siege, that they spared none, nor
pitied any, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, and slew
them as they drove them down; at which time the difficulties of the place
hindered those that were still able to fight from defending themselves; for as
they were distressed in the narrow streets, and could not keep their feet sure
along the precipice, they were overpowered with the crowd of those that came
fighting them down from the citadel. This provoked a great many, even of those
chosen men that were about Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands;
for when they saw that they could kill none of the Romans, they resolved to
prevent being killed by the Romans, and got together in great numbers in the
utmost parts of the city, and killed themselves.
35. However, such of the watch as at the first
perceived they were taken, and ran away as fast as they could, went up into one
of the towers on the north side of the city, and for a while defended themselves
there; but as they were encompassed with a multitude of enemies, they tried to
use their right hands when it was too late, and at length they cheerfully
offered their necks to be cut off by those that stood over them. And the Romans
might have boasted that the conclusion of that siege was without blood [on their
side] if there had not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain at the taking
of the city. His death was occasioned by the following treachery; for there was
one of those that were fled into the caverns, which were a great number, who
desired that this Antonius would reach him his right hand for his security, and
would assure him that he would preserve him, and give him his assistance in
getting up out of the cavern; accordingly, he incautiously reached him his right
hand, when the other man prevented him, and stabbed him under his loins with a
spear, and killed him immediately.
36. And on this day it was that the Romans slew
all the multitude that appeared openly; but on the following days they searched
the hiding-places, and fell upon those that were under ground, and in the
caverns, and went thus through every age, excepting the infants and the women,
and of these there were gathered together as captives twelve hundred; and as for
those that were slain at the taking of the city, and in the former fights, they
were numbered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian gave order that the city should
be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt down. And thus was
Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of
the month Panemus [Tamuz].
HOW JOSEPHUS
WAS DISCOVERED BY A WOMAN, AND WAS WILLING TO DELIVER HIMSELF UP TO THE
ROMANS; AND WHAT DISCOURSE HE HAD WITH HIS OWN MEN, WHEN THEY ENDEAVORED
TO HINDER HIM; AND WHAT HE SAID TO VESPASIAN, WHEN HE WAS BROUGHT TO
HIM; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER VESPASIAN USED HIM AFTERWARD.
1. AND now the Romans searched for Josephus,
both out of the hatred they bore him, and because their general was very
desirous to have him taken; for he reckoned that if he were once taken, the
greatest part of the war would be over. They then searched among the dead, and
looked into the most concealed recesses of the city; but as the city was first
taken, he was assisted by a certain supernatural providence; for he withdrew
himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a
certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which
den could not be seen by those that were above ground; and there he met with
forty persons of eminency that had concealed themselves, and with provisions
enough to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the day time he hid himself
from the enemy, who had seized upon all places, and in the night time he got up
out of the den and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice
of the watch; but as all places were guarded every where on his account, that
there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den. Thus he
concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman
who had been with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespasian sent immediately
and zealously two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give
Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come
up.
2. So they came and invited the man to come up,
and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved: but they did not
prevail with him; for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that
one who had done so many things against the Romans must suffer for it, though
not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that
he was invited to come up in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides
these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to
Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time. When he was come,
he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once
conquered; and told him that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the
commanders rather admired than hated him; that the general was very desirous to
have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though
he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of
his courage. He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to
impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the
fairest color upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning
perfidiousness; nor would he have himself acquiesced, or come to him, had it
been to deceive him.
3. Now as Josephus began to hesitate with
himself about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran
hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do,
as being very desirous to take the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at
Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies
threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the night
time, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of
the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. Now Josephus was
able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have
been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the
prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the
posterity of priests: and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him
the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer
to God, and said, "Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish
nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to
the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell
what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am
content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a
deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee."
4. When he had said this, he complied with
Nicanor's invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him understood that
he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body,
and cried out, "Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our forefathers, which God
ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the
souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death. O Josephus! art
thou still fond of life? and canst thou bear to see the light in a state of
slavery? How soon hast thou forgotten thyself! How many hast thou persuaded to
lose their lives for liberty! Thou hast therefore had a false reputation for
manhood, and a like false reputation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for
preservation from those against whom thou hast fought so zealously, and art
however willing to be preserved by them, if they be in earnest. But although the
good fortune of the Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought to take care
that the glory of our forefathers may not be tarnished. We will lend thee our
right hand and a sword; and if thou wilt die willingly, thou wilt die as general
of the Jews; but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them." As
soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened
they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans.
5. Upon this Josephus was afraid of their
attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God,
if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to
them in the distress he was then in, when he said thus to them: "O my
friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and
body, which are such dear companions, at such variance? Can any one pretend that
I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter
stands well enough. It is a brave thin to die in war; but so that it be
according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. If, therefore, I avoid
death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own
sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy,
how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For
it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with
them for doing to us. I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for
liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty
from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor
do they kill us. Now he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged
to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do. What are we afraid
of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death? If so, what we are afraid
of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it
on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves. And are we then
in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly
act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should
esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should
sink his ship of his own accord. Now self-murder is a crime most remote from the
common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our
Creator; nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by
its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which
account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and
those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing. And do not you think
that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him?
For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to
his disposal to take that being away from us. The bodies of all men are indeed
mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever
immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if
any one destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man,
he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if any one cast out of
his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby
affronted does not know of it? Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves
which run away from their master shall be punished, though the masters they run
away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run
away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not guilty of impeity? Do not
you know that those who depart out of this life according to the law of nature,
and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is
pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame; that their houses and
their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a
most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolutions of ages, they are
again sent into pure bodies; while the souls of those whose hands have acted
madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while
God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in
their posterity? for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is
punished by our most wise legislator. Accordingly, our laws determine that the
bodies of such as kill themselves should be exposed till the sun be set, without
burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our
enemies [sooner]. The laws of other nations also enjoin such men's hands to be
cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves
when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is
the hand alien from the body. It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to
reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety
towards our Creator. If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for
to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many
demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to
die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. For nay
part, I will not run over to our enemies' quarters, in order to be a traitor to
myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that
deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I
should do it for destruction, for my own destruction. However, I heartily wish
the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of
their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and
carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater
than victory itself."
6. Now these and many the like motives did
Josephus use to these men to prevent their murdering themselves; but desperation
had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were
irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands,
one from one quarter, and another from another, and called him a coward, and
everyone of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him; but he
calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and
taking a third by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying
him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various passions,
(as he well might in the great distress he was then in,) he kept off every one
of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as
are encompassed about on every side, who always turn themselves against those
that last touched them. Nay, some of their right hands were debilitated by the
reverence they bare to their general in these his fatal calamities, and their
swords dropped out of their hands; and not a few of them there were, who, when
they aimed to smite him with their swords, they were not thoroughly either
willing or able to do it.
7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not
destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God,
he put his life into hazard [in the manner following]: "And now," said
he, "since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us
commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to
first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, and thus fortune shall
make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right
hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent
and save himself." This proposal appeared to them to be very just; and when
he had prevailed with them to determine this matter by lots, he drew one of the
lots for himself also. He who had the first lot laid his neck bare to him that
had the next, as supposing that the general would die among them immediately;
for they thought death, if Josephus might but die with them, was sweeter than
life; yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened
so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous
neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to
imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust
his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself.
8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the
Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to
Vespasian. But now all the Romans ran together to see him; and as the multitude
pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various
kind; while some rejoiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and
some crowded to see him very near; but those that were more remote cried out to
have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind
the actions he had done, and a deep concern appeared at the change of his
fortune. Nor were there any of the Roman commanders, how much soever they had
been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him.
Above all the rest, Titus's own valor, and Josephus's own patience under his
afflictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when
he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he was fighting, but lay now in
the hands of his enemies, which made him consider the power of fortune, and how
quick is the turn of affairs in war, and how no state of men is sure; for which
reason he then made a great many more to be of the same pitiful temper with
himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great weight
in persuading his father to preserve him. However, Vespasian gave strict orders
that he should be kept with great caution, as though he would in a very little
time send him to Nero.
9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he
said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself
alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two
of their friends, he said, "Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that
thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of
greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law
of the Jews in this case? (5) and
how it becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero's
successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and
emperor, thou, and this thy son. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for
thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and
the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody
than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm any thing of
God." When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but
supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own
preservation; but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said
to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining
the empire, and by other signs fore-showing his advancement. He also found
Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that
were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, "I cannot but
wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should
be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself,
unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is
risen against thyself." To which Josephus replied, "I did foretell to
the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and
that I should be caught alive by the Romans." Now when Vespasian had
inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be
true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. Yet did he not
set Josephus at liberty from his hands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes,
and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and
continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest ill the honors that were
done him.
HOW JOPPA
WAS TAKEN, AND TIBERIAS DELIVERED UP.
1. NOW Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the
fourth day of the month Panemus, [Tamus] and from thence he came to Cesarea,
which lay by the sea-side. This was a very great city of Judea, and for the
greatest part inhabited by Greeks: the citizens here received both the Roman
army and its general, with all sorts of acclamations and rejoicings, and this
partly out of the good-will they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the
hatred they bore to those that were conquered by them; on which account they
came clamoring against Josephus in crowds, and desired he might be put to death.
But Vespasian passed over this petition concerning him, as offered by the
injudicious multitude, with a bare silence. Two of the legions also he placed at
Cesarea, that they might there take their winter-quarters, as perceiving the
city very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the tenth and the fifth at
Scythopolis, that he might not distress Cesarea with the entire army. This place
was warm even in winter, as it was suffocating hot in the summer time, by reason
of its situation in a plain, and near to the sea [of Galilee].
2. In the mean time, there were gathered
together as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies, as
those that had escaped out of the demolished cities, which were in all a great
number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it
might serve them for a place of refuge; and because the adjoining region had
been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they
determined to go off to sea. They also built themselves a great many piratical
ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt,
and made those seas unnavigable to all men. Now as soon as Vespasian knew of
their conspiracy, he sent both footmen and horsemen to Joppa, which was
unguarded in the night time; however, those that were in it perceived that they
should be attacked, and were afraid of it; yet did they not endeavor to keep the
Romans out, but fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night, out of the reach
of their darts.
3. Now Joppa is not naturally a haven, for it
ends in a rough shore, where all the rest of it is straight, but the two ends
bend towards each other, where there are deep precipices, and great stones that
jut out into the sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound have
left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable. But the north
wind opposes and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks
which receive them, and renders the haven more dangerous than the country they
had deserted. Now as those people of Joppa were floating about in this sea, in
the morning there fell a violent wind upon them; it is called by those that sail
there "the black north wind," and there dashed their ships one against
another, and dashed some of them against the rocks, and carried many of them by
force, while they strove against the opposite waves, into the main sea; for the
shore was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy upon it, that they were afraid
to come to land; nay, the waves rose so very high, that they drowned them; nor
was there any place whither they could fly, nor any way to save themselves;
while they were thrust out of the sea, by the violence of the wind, if they
staid where they were, and out of the city by the violence of the Romans. And
much lamentation there was when the ships were dashed against one another, and a
terrible noise when they were broken to pieces; and some of the multitude that
were in them were covered with waves, and so perished, and a great many were
embarrassed with shipwrecks. But some of them thought that to die by their own
swords was lighter than by the sea, and so they killed themselves before they
were drowned; although the greatest part of them were carried by the waves, and
dashed to pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks, insomuch that the sea
was bloody a long way, and the maritime parts were full of dead bodies; for the
Romans came upon those that were carried to the shore, and destroyed them; and
the number of the bodies that were thus thrown out of the sea was four thousand
and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and utterly
demolished it.
4. And thus was Joppa taken twice by the Romans
in a little time; but Vespasian, in order to prevent these pirates from coming
thither any more, erected a camp there, where the citadel of Joppa had been, and
left a body of horse in it, with a few footmen, that these last might stay there
and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it,
and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities. So these troops
overran the country, as they were ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces and
laid desolate the whole region.
5. But now, when the fate of Jotapata was
related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first disbelieved it, on account of
the vastness of the calamity, and because they had no eye-witness to attest the
truth of what was related about it; for not one person was saved to be a
messenger of that news, but a fame was spread abroad at random that the city was
taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news about. However, the truth was known
by degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and appeared to all to be too true.
Yet were there fictitious stories added to what was really done; for it was
reported that Josephus was slain at the taking of the city, which piece of news
filled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In every house also, and among all to whom any
of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them; but the mourning for
the commander was a public one; and some mourned for those that had lived with
them, others for their kindred, others for their friends, and others for their
brethren, but all mourned for Josephus; insomuch that the lamentation did not
cease in the city before the thirtieth day; and a great many hired mourners, (6)
with their pipes, who should begin the melancholy ditties for them.
6. But as the truth came out in time, it
appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really stood; yet was it found that the
death of Josephus was a fiction; and when they understood that he was alive, and
was among the Romans, and that the commanders treated him at another rate than
they treated captives, they were as vehemently angry at him now as they had
showed their good-will before, when he appeared to have been dead. He was also
abused by some as having been a coward, and by others as a deserter; and the
city was full of indignation at him, and of reproaches cast upon him; their rage
was also aggravated by their afflictions, and more inflamed by their ill
success; and what usually becomes an occasion of caution to wise men, I mean
affliction, became a spur to them to venture on further calamities, and the end
of one misery became still the beginning of another; they therefore resolved to
fall on the Romans the more vehemently, as resolving to be revenged on him in
revenging themselves on the Romans. And this was the state of Jerusalem as to
the troubles which now came upon it.
7. But Vespasian, in order to see the kingdom of
Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do, (partly in order to his
treating the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his
private affairs would enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their
means, correct such things as were amiss in his government,) he removed from
that Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Cesarea
Philippi (7) and there he
refreshed his army for twenty days, and was himself feasted by king Agrippa,
where he also returned public thanks to God for the good success he had had in
his undertakings. But as soon as he was informed that Tiberias was fond of
innovations, and that Tarichere had revolted, both which cities were parts of
the kingdom of Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that the Jews were
every where perverted [from their obedience to their governors], he thought it
seasonable to make an expedition against these cities, and that for the sake of
Agrippa, and in order to bring his cities to reason. So he sent away his son
Titus to [the other] Cesarea, that he might bring the army that lay there to
Seythopous, which is the largest city of Decapolis, and in the neighborhood of
Tiberias, whither he came, and where he waited for his son. He then came with
three legions, and pitched his camp thirty furlongs off Tiberias, at a certain
station easily seen by the innovators; it is named Sennabris. He also sent
Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to speak peaceably to those that were
in the city, and to exhort them to give him assurances of their fidelity; for he
had heard that the people were desirous of peace, but were obliged by some of
the seditious part to join with them, and so were forced to fight for them. When
Valerian had marched up to the place, and was near the wall, he alighted off his
horse, and made those that were with him to do the same, that they might not be
thought to come to skirmish with them; but before they could come to a discourse
one with another, the most potent men among the seditious made a sally upon them
armed; their leader was one whose name was Jesus, the son of Shaphat, the
principal head of a band of robbers. Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe to
fight contrary to the commands of the general, though he were secure of a
victory, and knowing that it was a very hazardous undertaking for a few to fight
with many, for those that were unprovided to fight those that were ready, and
being on other accounts surprised at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran
away on foot, as did five of the rest in like manner, and left their horses
behind them; which horses Jesus led away into the city, and rejoiced as if they
had taken them in battle, and not by treachery.
8. Now the seniors of the people, and such as
were of principal authority among them, fearing what would be the issue of this
matter, fled to the camp of the Romans; they then took their king along with
them, and fell down before Vespasian, to supplicate his favor, and besought him
not to overlook them, nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole city, to
spare a people that have been ever civil and obliging to the Romans; but to
bring the authors of this revolt to due punishment, who had hitherto so watched
them, that though they were zealous to give them the security of their right
hands of a long time, yet could they not accomplish the same. With these
supplications the general complied, although he were very angry at the whole
city about the carrying off his horses, and this because he saw that Agrippa was
under a great concern for them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had accepted of
their right hands by way of security, Jesus and his party thought it not safe
for them to continue at Tiberias, so they ran away to Tarichete. The next day
Vespasian sent Trajan before with some horsemen to the citadel, to make trial of
the multitude, whether they were all disposed for peace; and as soon as he knew
that the people were of the same mind with the petitioner, he took his army, and
went to the city; upon which the citizens opened to him their gates, and met him
with acclamations of joy, and called him their savior and benefactor. But as the
army was a great while in getting in at the gates, they were so narrow,
Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad
passage for their entrance. However, he charged them to abstain from rapine and
injustice, in order to gratify the king; and on his account spared the rest of
the wall, while the king undertook for them that they should continue [faithful
to the Romans] for the time to come. And thus did he restore this city to a
quiet state, after it had been grievously afflicted by the sedition.
HOW
TARICHEAE WAS TAKEN. A DESCRIPTION OF THE RIVER JORDAN, AND OF THE
COUNTRY OF GENNESARETH.
1. AND now Vespasian pitched his camp between
this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting
that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; for all the
innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the
city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the
country the Lake of Gennesareth. The city itself is situated like
Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed
by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as
Tiberias; for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews'
revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Tarichese
partook only the remains of that liberality, Yet had they a great number of
ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they
might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a
Sea-fight also. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesu
and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order
they were in, but made a sally upon them; and at the very first onset the
builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had
before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together,
and before they had suffered any thing themselves, they retired to their own
men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, where
they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the
Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their
ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea,
who were themselves at land. But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of
them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon
sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them.
2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was
very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more
forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that
before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately
under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place
whence he might be heard, and said to them, "My brave Romans! for it is
right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my
speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against
whom we are going to fight. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth
hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may
speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up
the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow wealthy under good
success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. As to the alacrity which you
show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude
of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: let such a one
consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we
are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of
death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be
called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good
order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time
of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with
our enemies: for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare,
if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war.
Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed,
while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that
have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in
effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish
their number. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that
manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be
but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one
another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their
enemies. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct the
Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite
extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and
obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but
still does not for ever desert us in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your fighting
is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the
hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater
motive to us than glory? and that. it may never be said, that after we have got
dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. We must also
reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster
in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand
also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think
we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our
assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater
reputation to us. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father,
and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former
glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be
really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I
should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the
enemy. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal
courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know
very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon
the enemy. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will
be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have
better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance."
3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary
fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began,
with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of
the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. Vespasian had also
sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in
charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel
those that were upon the wall; which archers did as they were commanded, and
prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his
own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise
after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which
confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they
really were. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at
their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but
when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise
of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; many also of them
were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the
city, as fast as every one of them were able. So Titus pressed upon the
hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on
heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through;
many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, and
cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the
plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and
ran into the city.
4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition
among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions
there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very
beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; but the
foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the
more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually
angry one at another. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from
the wall, he cried out," Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we
make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is
given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? Those that have escaped our
hands are ill an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste;
but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no
great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: accordingly, we must not
only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do,
but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as
few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take
the city:"
5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he
leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he
marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon
after him. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at
the boldness of the attempt, nor durst any one venture to fight with him, or to
hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about
Jesus fled over the country, while others of them ran down to the lake, and met
the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the
ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already
gone aboard. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those
foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural
inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus's giving them
his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not
given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, till Titus had slain the
authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of
commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. But for those that had fled to
the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could
from the enemy.
6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to
his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; at which, as was
natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions
of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He
then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command
to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted
so to do. And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that
vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the
ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was
great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also.
7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called
from the country adjoining to it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length
one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking,
for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure,
and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a
temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or
fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a
place as this is. Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as
that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer.
There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight
from those elsewhere. It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now
Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried
thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: this place lies as
you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Cesarea, and
is not far out of the road on the right hand; and indeed it hath its name of
Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as
being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without
either sinking or running over. And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not
known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis; for
he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Paninto, where the ancients
thought the fountain-head of the river was, whither it had been therefore
carried [by the waters]. As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been
improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. Now
Jordan's visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and
fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty
furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle
of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then
makes its exit into the lake Asphaltitis.
8. The country also that lies over against this
lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its
beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and
the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of
the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts,
particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast
plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also
and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. One
may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that
are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention
of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country; for it not
only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men's expectation, but
preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with
grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year (8)
and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year;
for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most
fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. Some have
thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as
well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. The length of this country
extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name for thirty
furlongs, and is in breadth twenty, And this is the nature of that place.
9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready,
Vespasian put upon ship-board as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to
be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now
these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all
was in their enemies' hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon
the level by sea, for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they
were too weak to fight with Vespasian's vessels, and the mariners that were in
them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked
them in great numbers. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and
sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were
a good way off, or came closer and fought them; yet did they receive the
greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the
Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against
such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews
themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became
sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the ether, and were
drowned, they and their ships together. As for those that endeavored to come to
an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles.
Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and
slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the
middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them.
And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above
the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if,
in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the
Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; and indeed they were destroyed
after various manners every where, till the rest being put to flight, were
forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the
sea]: but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they
were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their
vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the
lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. And a
terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that
country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies
all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied,
they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of
commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the
authors of that misery. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the
slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and
five hundred.
10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat
upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the
old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he
deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old
inhabitants or not. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of
them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at
liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of
proper habitations, and would he able to compel such as they fled to fight
against us, Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and
that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against
those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what
manner they should be slain (9)
for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would
thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that
so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence
to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself
bear to do it. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that
nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was
profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made
consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and
permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to
Tiberias only. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went
along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the
Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go
out of it, and shut them up in the city. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them
all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together
with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two
hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent
them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves,
being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to
Agrippa; for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do
what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; but for
the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos,
and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and
fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before
peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus
[Elul].
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